The  American 

Commission  on 

Conditions  in 

Ireland^ 

Interim   Report 


The  American  Commission 

ON  Conditions  in 

Ireland  : 

Interim  Report  ^ 


PERSONNEL  OF  THE  COMMISSION 

L.  HoLLiNGSWORTH  WooD,  Chairman. 

Frederic   C.   Howe,   Vice-Chairman 

Jane  Addams 

James  H.  Maurer 

Major  Oliver  P.  Newman 

U.  S.  Senator  George  W.  Norris 

Rev.  Norman  Thomas 

U.  S.  Senator  David  I.  Walsh 

Secretaries  : 

William   MacDonald 
Harold  Kellock 


BOSTON  COLLi^GE  LIBRARt 
CHESTNUT  HILL,  MASS. 


PERSONNEL  OF  THE  COMMITTEE   ON   CONDITIONS 

IN    IRELAND 

Jane  Addams,  Hull  House,  Chicago,  111. 

Hon,  Charles  F.  Amidon,  U.  S.  District  Judge,  Fargo,  N.  D. 

U.  S.  Senator,  Henry  F.  Ashurst,  Prescott,  Arizona. 

Bishop  James  Atkins,  M.  E.  Church  South,  Nashville,  Tenn. 

Mary  Austin,  writer  and  lecturer.  New  York  City. 

Abby  Scott  Baker,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Governor  Simon  Bamberger,  Salt  Lake  City,  Utah. 

Abraham    Baroff,   International    Ladies'   Garment   Woi'kers'   Union,   New 

York   City. 
Rt.  Rev.  Troy  Beatty,  P.  E.  Bishop  of  Tennessee. 
Mayor  C.  F.  Beck,  Akron,  Ohio. 
Mayor  Bartin  Behrman,  New  Orleans,  La. 
Fred  G.  Biedenkapp,  Brotherhood  of  Metal  Workers,  New  York. 
William    Harman    Black,   former   member   National    War    Labor    Board, 

New  York  City. 
Alice  Stone  Blackwell,  Boston,  Mass. 
Harriet  Stanton  Blatch,  Nev/  York  City. 
Lucy  Branhan,  New  York  City. 
J.  M.  Budish,  United  Cloth,  Hat,  and  Cap  Makers  of  America,  New  York 

City. 
Rt.  Rev.  Hugh  L.  Burleson,^  P.  E.  Bishop  of  South  Dakota. 
Rt.  Rev.  C.  E.  Byrne,  Bishop  of  Galveston,  Texas. 
Governor  Thomas  E.  Campbell,  Phoenix,  Arizona. 
Rt.  Rev.  John  J.  Cantwell,  Bishop  of  Monterey  and  Los  Angeles. 
U.  S.  Senator  Arthur  Capper,  Topeka,  Kansas. 
Governor  Robert  D.   Carey,   Cheyenne,  Wyoming. 
Frank   E.    Carstarphen,    Special    Counsel   for    the    Federal    Government, 

New  York  City. 
J.  J.  Castellini,  merchant,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 
Parley  P.  Christensen,  Presidential  Candidate,  Farmer-Labor  Party,  Salt 

Lake  City,  Utah. 
Professor  Arthur  C.  Cole,  Ohio  State  University,  Columbus,  Ohio. 
George  W.  Coleman,  President  of  the  Open  Forum  National  Council,  Bos- 
ton, Mass. 
Martin  Conboy,  former  Director  of  the  Draft,  New  York  City. 
Henry  W.  L.  Dana,  Cambridge,  Mass. 
Rev.  William  Horace  Day,  former  Moderator  of  the  National  Council  of 

Congregational  Churches  of  U.  S.,  Bridgeport,  Conn. 
Rt.  Rev.  E.  T.  Demby,  P.  E.  Suffragan  Bishop  of  the  Colored  Race,  Province 

of  the  Southwest,  Little  Rock,  Ark. 
Dr.  W.  E.  B.  Du  Bois,  editor  of  The  Crisis,  New  York  City. 
Professor  Horace  A.  Eaton,  Syracuse  University,  Syracuse,  N.  Y. 
Governor  Edward  L  Edwards,  Trenton,  N.  J. 
John  Lovejoy  Elliott,  Hudson  Guild,  New  York  City. 
Hon.  J.  W.  Folk,  former  Governor  of  Missouri,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Mrs.  Andre  Fouilhoux,  Short  Hills,  N.  J, 

II 


Clemens  J.  France,  former  Collector  of  the  Port  of  Seattle,  Wash. 

Royal  W.  France,  lawyer,  New  York  City. 

Governor  Lynn  J.  Frazier,  Bismarck,  N.  D. 

Zona  Gale,  writer,  Portage,  Wis. 

John  F.  Galvin,  former  Chairman,  Board  of  Water  Supply,  New  York. 

GiLSON  Gardner,  Washington  correspondent.  Newspaper  Enterprise  Ass'n. 

His  Eminence  James  Cardinal  Gibbons,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Mayor  C.  P.  Gillen,  Newark,  N.  J. 

Arthur  Gleason,  writer,  New  York  City. 

Hon.  James  H.  Graham,  former  Congressman,  Springfield,  111. 

Mayor  Frank  J.  Hague,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

William  Hard,  writer,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Rt.  Rev.  Robert  Le  Roy  Harris,  P.  E.  Bishop  of  Marquette,  Mich. 

Dr.  Gillette  Ha^tjen,  Columbus,  Ohio. 

Professor  Carlton  J.  Hayes,  Columbia  University,  New  York. 

Mayor  J.  J.  Hayes,  Vicksburg,  Miss. 

William  Randolph  Hearst,  newspaper  publisher.  New  York  City. 

Charles  B.  Henderson,  former  U.  S.  Senator,  Elko,  Nevada. 

Mayor  Joseph  Herman,  Newport,  Ky. 

Morris  Hillquit,  lawyer,  New  York  City. 

Rabbi  E.  E.  Hirsch,  Professor  of  Rabbinical  Literature  and  Philosophy, 

University  of  Chicago. 
Mayor  Daniel  W.  Hoan,  Milwaukee,  Wis. 
Judge  George  Holmes,  Omaha,  Neb. 
Rev.  John   Haynes  Holmes,  President  Free  Religious   Association,  New 

York  City. 
Rt.  Rev.  J.  M.  Horner,  P.  E.  Bishop  of  Asheville,  N.  C. 
Frederic   C.   Howe,  former  Commissioner  of  Immigration   of  the  Port  of 

New  York. 
Bishop  John  Hurst,  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  Baltimore,  Md. 
Mayor  John  F.  Hylan,  New  York  City. 

Dr.  Edmund  J.  James,  President  Emeritus,  University  of  Illinois. 
^U.  S.  Senator  Hiram  W.  Johnson,  San  Francisco,  California. 
James  Weldon  Johnson,   Secretary  of  the   National   Association   for  the 

Advancement  of   Colored  People,   New  York   City. 
"William  H.  Johnston,  Intei-national  Machinists'  Union,  Washington,  D.  C. 
Rev.  Paul  Jones,  formerly  P.  E.  Bishop  of  Utah,  New  York  City. 
Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan,  Chancellor  Emeritus,  Leland  Stanford  Jr.  Uni- 
versity, California. 
Most  Rev.  James  J.  Keane,  Archbishop  of  Dubuque,  Iowa. 
Mayor  H.  W.  Kiel,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Edwin  P.  Kilroe,  Assistant  District  Attorney,  New  York  City. 
Richard  R.  Kilroy,  editor,  Anaconda  Standard,  Butte,  Mont. 
Dr.  George  W.  Kirchwey,  Head  of  Department  of  Criminology,  New  York 

School   of  Social  Work,   New  York   City. 
Rev.  G.  S.  Lackland,  Denver,  Colo. 
"-  U.  S.  Senator  Robert  M.  La  Follette,  Wisconsin. 

Hon.  F.  H.  La  Guardia,  President  of  the  Board  of  Aldermen,  N.  Y.  City. 

John  S.  Leahy,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

Owen   R.  Lovejoy,  General  Secretary,  National   Child   Labor  Committee, 

New  York  City. 
Professor  Robert  Morss  Lovett,  University  of  Chicago. 
Hazel  MacKaye,  Director  of  the  Bureau  of  Pageantry  and  the   Drama, 

Y.  W.  C.  A.,  New  York  City. 


Ill 


2132 


Rabbi  Judah  L.  Magnes,  Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee,  Jewish 
Community  (Kehillah)   of  New  York  City. 

Mayor  James  B.  McCavitt,  Anaconda,  Mont. 

Allen  McCurdy,  Secretary  of  the  National  Executive  Committee,  Commit- 
tee of  48,  New  York  City. 

U.  S.  Senator  Charles  L.  McNary,  Salem,  Oregon. 

Bertha  H.  Mailly,  Executive  Secretary,  Rand  School  of  Social  Science, 
New  York  City. 

Hon.  Dudley  Field  Malone,  former  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  U.  S. 
Tx-easury,  New  York  City. 

Basil  M.  Manly,  Director  of  the  Scripps  Economic  Bureau,  Washing- 
ton, D,  C. 

Mayor  Elliott  Marshall,  St.  Joseph,  Mo. 

Anne  Martin,  publicist,  Reno,  Nev. 

Congressman  William  E.  Mason,   Chicago,  111. 

James  H.  Maurer,  President  Pennsylvania  State  Federation  of  Labor,  Hav- 
risburg.  Pa. 

Mrs.  Katherine  M.  Meserole,  Bellport,  Long  Island,  N.  Y. 

John  E.  Milholland,  business  man  and  writer,  New  York  City. 

A.  P.  Moore,  editor  of  the  Pittsburgh  Leader,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Mrs.   Agnes   H.   Morey,    Brookline,    Mass. 

Bishop  H.  C.  Morrison,  M.  E.  Church  South,  Leesburg,  Fla. 

William  J.  Mulligan,  Supreme  Director  of  Knights  of  Columbus,  Thomp- 
sonville,    Conn. 

Mrs.  William  Spencer  Murray,  Catskill,  N.  Y. 

Professor  William  A.  Nitze,  head  of  the  Department  of  Romance  Lan- 
guages and  Literatures,  University  of  Chicago. 

PJdward  N.  Nockels,  associate  editor.  The  New  Majority,  Chicago,  111. 

Rt.  Rev.  John  J.  O'Connor,  Bishop  of  Newark,  N.  J. 

Daniel  C.  O'Flaherty,  Richmond,  Va. 

Rt.  Rev.  Charles  T.  Olmsted,  P.  E.  Bishop  of  Central  New  York. 

M.  O'Neill,  Akron,  Ohio. 

Rt.  Rev.  Edward  L.  Parsons,  P.  E.  Bishop  Coadjutor  of  California,  San 
Francisco,  Cal. 

Captain  Julius  C.  Peyser,  Washington,  D.  C. 

U.  S.  Senator  Jambs  D.  Phelan,  San  Francisc  >,  Cal. 

Rev.  Watson  L.  Phillips,  Shelton,  Conn. 

Amos  R.  E.  Pinchot,  lawyer  and  publicist.  New  York  City. 

Mayor  Willis  H.  Plunkett,  Phoenix,  Ariz. 

Rev.  Levi  M.  Powers,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Mayor  George  A.  Quigley,  New  Britain,  Conn. 

Mayor  Edward  W.  Quinn,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Congressman   Charles  E.   Randall,   Kenosha,   Wis. 

U.  S.  Senator  Joseph  E.  Ransdell,  Louisiana. 

Mrs.  James  Rector,  Columbus,  Ohio. 

Raymond  Robins,  formerly  Commissioner  in  command  of  the  American 
Red  Cross  Mission  to  Russia,  Chicago,  111. 

Gilbert  E.  Roe,  lawyer.  New  York  City. 

Mrs.  John  Rogers,  Jr.,  New  York  City. 

Rev.  John  A.  Ryan,  Professor  of  Theology,  Catholic  University  of  Amer- 
ica, Washington,  D.   C. 

Professor  Ferdinand  Schevill,  Professor  of  Modern  History,  University 
of  Chicago. 

Rose  Schneidermann,  Woman's  Trade  Union  League,  New  York. 

Mayor  Cornell  Schrieber,  Toledo,  Ohio. 

Hon.  R.  O.  Sharon,  Peoria,  111. 

IV 


Congressman  Isaac  R.  Sherwood,  Toledo,  Ohio. 

Dr.  John  S.  Simon,  St,  Louis,  Mo. 

J.  C.  Skemp,  International  Union  of  Painters  and  Decorators,  Lafayette, 
Ind. 

Mayor  E.  P.  Smith,  Omaha,  Neb. 

Mrs.  Anna  Garlin  Spencer,  minister,  educator.  White  Plains,  N.  Y. 
""U.  S.  Senator  Selden  P.  Spencer,  St.  Louis,  Missouri. 

Emma    Steghagen,    Woman's   Trade   Union    League,    Chicago,   111. 

Doris  Stevens,  New  York  City. 

Mayor  Peter  F.  Sullivan,  Worcester,  Mass. 

Rev.  Norman  M.  Thomas,  editor  of  The  World  Tomorrow,  New  York  City. 

Richard  C.  Tolman,  Associate  Director  Fixed  Nitrogen  Research  Labor- 
atory, War  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Albert  B.  Unger,  Assistant  District  Attorney,  New  York  City. 

IFon.  James   K.   Vardaman,  former   U.   S.   Senator,   Jackson,   Miss. 

Mrs.  Henry  Villard,  Dobbs  Ferry,  N.  Y. 

Congressman  Edward  Voight,  Sheboygan,  Wis. 

John  H.  Walker,  Illinois  State  Federation  of  Labor,  Springfield,  111. 
'U.  S.  Senator  David  I.  Walsh,  Boston,  Mass. 

J    Barnard  Walton,  General  Secretary,  Advancement  Committee,  General 
Conference  of  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Dr.  James  P.  Warbasse,  President  of  the  Cooperative  League  of  America, 
New  York  City. 

William  Allen  White,  editor  of  the  Emporia  Gazette,  Emporia,  Kan. 

Rt.  Rev.  Cortlandt  Whitehead,  P.  E.  Bishop  of  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

L.  Hollingsworth  Wood,  lawyer,  New  York  City. 


LIST  OF  WITNESSES  CALLED  BEFORE  THE  COMMISSION 
CITIZENS    OF    IRELAND 

Denis  Morgan,  Chairman  of  the  Urban  Council  of  Thurles. 

John  Derham,  Town  Councillor  of  Balbriggan. 

Mrs.  Muriel  MacSwiney,  widow  of  the  late  Lord  Mayor  of  Cork. 

Miss  Mary  MacSwiney,  sister  of  the  late  Lord  Mayor  of  Cork. 

Daniel  Francis  Crowley,  member  of  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary  for 
three  years  up  to  June,  1920. 

John  Tangney,  member  of  R.  I.  C.  from  October,  1915,  to  July,  1920. 

Mrs.  Anna  Murphy  of  New  York  City  (husband  an  Irish  citizen). 

John  Joseph  Caddan,  member  of  R.  I.  C,  February  to  November,  1920. 

Daniel  Galvin,  member  of  R.  I.  C,  October,  1907,  to  July,  1920. 

Laurence  Ginnell,  member  of  Dail  Eirann,  and  member  of  the  Irish  Re- 
publican Cabinet. 

Miss  Susanna  Walsh,  sister-in-law  of  Thomas  MacCurtain,  late  Lord 
Mayor  of  Cork. 

Miss  Anna  Walsh,  sister-in-law  of  Thomas  MacCurtain,  late  Lord  Mayor 
of  Cork. 

DoNAL  O'Callaghan,  Lord  Mayor  of  Cork  and  Chairman  Cork  County 
Council. 

Thomas  Nolan,  Galway. 

Frank  Dempsey,  Chairman  of  the  Urban  Council  of  Mallow. 


Miss  Louie  Bennett,  Dublin,  Secretary  of  the   Irish   Branch,   Women's 

International  League. 
Miss  Caroline  M.  Townshend,  Bandon,  County  Cork,  officer  of  the  Gaelic 

League. 
J.  L.  Fawsitt,  Irish  Republican  Consul  General  at  New  York. 

ENGLISH    CITIZENS 

Mrs.  Annot  Erskine  Robinson  and  Miss  Ellen  C.  Wilkinson,  both 
of  Manchester,  representing  the  British  Branch  of  the  Women's  Inter- 
national League. 

AMERICAN    CITIZENS 

Rev.  Michael  M.   English,  Whitehall,  Montana. 

John  F.  Martin,  attorney.  Green  Bay,  Wis. 

Rev.  Dr.  James  M.  Cotter,  Ironton,  Ohio. 

Mrs.  Agnes  B.  King,  Ironton,  Ohio. 

Francis  Hackett,  New  York  City,  associate  editor  of  The  New  Republic; 

investigated  conditions  in  Ireland  for  the  New  York  World. 
Miss  Signe  Toksvig   (Mrs.  Hackett),  New  York  City. 
P.  J.  Guilfoil,  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 
Miss  Ruth  Russell,  Chicago   (investigated  conditions  in  Ireland  for  the 

Chicago  Daily  News). 
Miss  Nellie  Craven,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Paul  J.  Furnas,  New  York  City,  member  Society  of  Friends. 
Mrs.  Michael  Mohan,  Corona,  New  York. 
John  Charles  Clarke,  Corona,  New  York. 
Daniel  J.  Broderick,  Chicago,  111. 

Emil  Pezolt,  Oakland,  Cal.,  junior  engineer  on  U.  S.  Westcannon. 
Henry  Turk,  San  Francisco,  messman  on  the  U.  S.  Westcannon. 
Harold  Johnson,  Bucks  Co.,  Pa.,  sailor  on  the  U.  S.  Westcanyion. 
Ralph  Taylor,  Scott  Township,  Pa.,  messman  on  the  U.  S.  Westcannon. 
Peter  J.  MacSwiney,  New  York  City,  brother  of  the  late  Terence  Mac- 

Swiney. 


HEARINGS  OF  THE  COMMISSION 

Public  hearings  were  held  by  the  Commission  at  Washington,  D.  C, 
November  19  and  20,  December  9,  10,  11,  15,  18,  21,  22  and  23,  1920,  and 
January  13,  14,  19  and  21,  1921.  In  addition,  there  have  been  numerous 
executive  sessions  of  the  Commission  and  sub-committees  to  arrange  ad- 
ministrative details,  consider  reports,  documents,  etc. 


VI 


CONTENTS 


chapter  page 

Map 

Personnel  of  the  Commission  Title  Page 

Personnel  of  the  Committee  ii 

List  of  Witnesses  Before  the  Commission    v 

Hearings  of  the   Commission    vi 

I.    History,  Purpose,  and  Method  of  the  Commission 1 

Origin  of  the  Commission,  1 ;  Purposes  of  the  Commission,  1 ; 
Method  of  Gathering  the  Evidence,  2;  Witnesses  Invited,  2; 
British  Prevent  Investigation  in  Ireland,  4. 

II.    Review  of  the  Situation  and  Statement  of  Findings 7 

Events  Leading  to  the  Present  Crisis,  7 ;  How  Great  Britain 
Met  the  Insurrection,  8;  Irish  Resistance,  10;  British  Re- 
sponsibility,  11;    Conclusion,   13. 

III,  Imperial  British  Forces  in  Ireland  15 

IV.  The  British  Campaign  in  Ireland   19 

Ley  de  Fuga,  24;  Reprisals,  27;  "  Sinn  Fein  Extremist,"  37; 
Where  the  Responsibility  Lies,  44;  Destruction  of  Property, 
45;  Burning  of  Towns,  47;  Official  Sanctions  for  Destruc- 
tion of  Property,  47;  Industrial  Destruction,  48;  The  British 
Terror  in  Ireland,  52;  Religious  Services,  57;  Deaths  and 
Wakes,  57;  Funerals,  59. 

V.     Physical  Consequences  to  the  Imperial  British  Forces  in 

Ireland    60 

Causes  of  Casualties  Suffered  by  Imperial  British  Forces, 
62;  Policy  of  Assassination,  73. 

VI.    Moral  Consequences  to  the  Imperial  British  Forces 79 

Imperial  British  Officers,  86 ;  Imperial  British  High  Com- 
mand in  Ireland,  92;  Imperial  British  Government  in  Ire- 
land, 96. 

VII.     Political  Aspect  of  the  Imperial  British  Policy  in  Ireland  101 
The   Irish   Republic,   103;    Failure  of  the   Imperial   British 
Policy  in  Ireland,   105. 

Supplemental  Report:  The  Religious  Issue  in  Ireland Ill 

Appendices  119 


THE  AMERICAN   COMMISSION  ON   CON- 
DITIONS  IN  IRELAND:  INTERIM  REPORT 


CHAPTER   I 

History,    Purpose,    and    Method 
of     the     Commission 

ORIGIN     OF     THE    COMMISSION 

THE  American  Commission  on  Conditions  In  Ireland  presents 
herewith  to  its  parent  body,  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  on 

Ireland,  a  report  on  its  inquiry  to  date  on  the  situation  in  Ire- 
land. The  Commission  has  been  conscious  from  the  outset  of  the 
strict  obligations  of  sincerity  and  impartiality  imposed  on  it  by 
the  very  character  of  the  distinguished  personnel  of  the  Committee 
of  One  Hundred  from  which  the  Commission  derived  its  authority. 
The  Committee  of  One  Hundred  was  called  together  through  the 
good  offices  of  the  editors  of  the  New  York  Nation,  who  made  every 
effort  to  gather  a  body  of  men  representative  of  all  shades  of  Ameri- 
can opinion,  by  inviting  the  participation  of  every  United  States  Sen- 
ator, the  Governor  of  every  State,  the  Mayors  of  the  large  cities, 
college  presidents  and  conspicuous  professors,  every  Methodist,  Protest- 
ant Episcopal,  and  Roman  Catholic  Bishop,  the  editors  of  the 
metropolitan  daily  newspapers  and  of  the  leading  organs  through- 
out the  country,  and  prominent  citizens  distinguished  in  every  de- 
partment of  civil  life.  It  was  expected  to  find  through  this  means 
a  hundred  fair-minded  citizens  who  would  be  able  and  willing  to  give 
some  time  and  thought  to  conditions  in  Ireland  and  to  the  creation 
of  a  commission  of  inquiry.  The  responses  exceeded  expectations; 
over  one  hundred  fifty  persons  accepted  membership.  This  parent 
Committee  of  the  inquiry  includes  five  State  Governors,  eleven  United 
States  Senators,  thirteen  Congressmen,  the  Mayors  of  fifteen  large 
cities.  Cardinal  Gibl)ons,  Archbishop  Keane,  and  four  Roman  Catholic 
Bishops,  seven  Protestant  Episcopal  Bishops,  four  Methodist  Bishops, 
and  clergymen,  priests,  educators,  editors,  business  men  and  labor 
leaders.     Thirty-six  states  were  represented  in  the  Committee. 

This  body  elected  from  its  membership  a  Commission  of  five 
members  to  conduct  its  inquiry  with  power  to  increase  its  membership. 
It  has  availed  itself  of  that  power. 

PURPOSE  OF  THE  COMMISSION 

The  situation  in  Ireland  was  a  proper  subject  of  concern  for  all 
peoples  claiming  either  humanity  or  civilization.  It  appealed  par- 
ticularly to  Americans,  so  closely  bound  by  ties  of  blood  and  culture 


2  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

to  the  Irish  and  English  people.  Unless  moral  force  could  prevail 
to  end  the  terror  in  Ireland,  physical  force  seemed  to  us  bound  to 
continue  both  to  deny  the  possibility  of  peace  in  Ireland,  and  to  dim- 
inish the  possibility  of  non-intervention  of  our  government  in  the 
struggle.  It  seemed  to  us  that  we  could  best  serve  the  cause  of  peace 
by  placing  before  English,  Irish  and  American  public  opinion  the 
facts  of  the  situation,  free  from  both  agonized  exaggeration  and 
merciless  understatement;  for  a  knowledge  of  the  facts  might  reveal 
their  cause,  and  recognition  of  that  cause  might  permit  its  cure,  by 
those  whose  purpose  was  not  to  slay  but  to  heal. 

The  facts  available  to  us  for  investigating  the  situation  were  the 
atrocities  caused  by  it.  We,  therefore,  sought  evidence  of  these 
atrocities,  from  both  sides,  in  the  hope  that  we  could  make  clear  to 
the  English  on  the  one  hand  and  to  the  Irish  on  the  other,  our  desire 
to  do  them  the  service  which  our  common  civilization  required  as  a 
right,  our  common  humanity  as  a  duty. 

METHOD  OF  GATHERING  THE  EVIDENCE 

Every  phase  of  the  formation  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred 
and  of  the  development  of  its  plans  was  promptly  brought  to  the  atten- 
tion both  of  the  British  Ambassador  and  of  President  DeValera,  who 
was  then  in  this  country.  They  were  promptly  informed  of  the  election 
of  the  Commission  and  of  its  program  and  purposes.  Each  was  invited 
to  cooperate  with  the  Commission,  to  designate  witnesses,  and  to  be 
represented  at  the  hearings  by  counsel,  if  such  was  his  desire.  Prof. 
DeValera,  President  of  the  Irish  Republic,  accepted  the  Commission's 
invitation.  The  British  Embassy,  to  the  regret  of  the  Commission, 
took  the  attitude  that  while  it  would  do  nothing  to  hinder  the  inquiry, 
it  would  do  nothing  to  assist  it;  but  gave  to  the  Commission  the 
assurance  of  the  British  Government  that  passports  would  not  be 
refused  to  Irish  witnesses  "on  the  ground  that  they  wished  to  testify 
before  the  Commission."  Both  the  Embassy  and  President  DeValera 
assured  the  Commission  that  there  would  be  no  reprisals  against  Irish 
witnesses,  whatever  their  testimony.  The  correspondence  with  the 
British  Embassy  and  President  DeValera  will  be  found  in  Appendix  A. 

WITNESSES  INVITED 

From  the  outset  the  Commission  made  every  effort  to  gather  evi- 
dence that  would  enable  a  complete  inquiry  to  be  made.     The  chief 

administrative  officers  of  Irish  cities  and  towns  that 
Witnesses  were  focal  centers  in  recent  disturbances  were  asked 

IrelTnd  *°  ^°"^^  ^°  *^^^  country  to  testify.     These  included 

Londonderry,  Belfast,  Cork,  Balbriggan,  Thurles  and 
Mallow.  Cardinal  Logue,  the  Irish  Primate,  was  asked  to  send  a  dele- 
gation of  the  hierarchy  to  give  testimony.  Prominent  leaders  in  Irish 
life,  such  as  Sir  Horace  Plunkett,  George  Russell  C'M"),  and  Arthur 


HISTORY,  PURPOSE  AND  METHOD  3 

Griffith  were  invited.  The  next  of  kin  of  public  officials  who  had  been 
killed  on  one  side  or  the  other,  such  as  Mrs.  MacCurtain,  widow  of  the 
late  Lord  Mayor  of  Cork,  who  was  slain  in  Cork  and  Miss  Irene 
Swanzy,  sister  of  Inspector  Swanzy  of  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary, 
who  was  killed  at  Lisburn,  were  also  invited.  Sir  Edward  Carson,  the 
Ulster  leader,  was  asked  to  come  in  person  or  to  send  a  representative 
to  present  to  the  Commission  the  case  from  the  official  Unionist  view- 
point. Similar  invitations  were  sent  to  Lord  French  and  Sir  Hamar 
Greenwood.  None  of  the  three  replied,  though  all  refused  and  repudi- 
ated the  invitation  in  newspaper  statements. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  none  of  the  anti-Republican  Irish  citizens 
invited  gave  an  acceptance  except  Miss  Swanzy,  who  cabled  that  she 
would  come.  After  the  Commission  had  cabled  her  the  assurance  that 
£300  would  be  provided  for  her  expense  money,  she  declared  that  she 
could  not  come  without  her  mother,  and  an  additional  allowance  of  £100 
was  made  for  her  mother's  trip.  Subsequently  a  letter  was  received 
from  her  stating  that  certain  information  she  had  received  from  sources 
unnamed  caused  her  to  decline  the  invitation. 

The  other  Irish  witnesses  invited,  generally,  made  efforts  to  get  here 
in  person,  or  to  send  representatives.    Cardinal  Logue  cabled  that  certain 
bishops   were   unable   to   secure   passports.     George 
Russell,  unable  to  come,  sent  an  informative  state-       Tr^sportation 
ment.     Donal   O'Callaghan,   Lord   Mayor  of   Cork, 
unable  to  secure  a  passport,  slipped  over  without  one,  as  a  stowaway. 
Mr.  Peter  MacSwiney  came  as  a  seaman.    Messrs.  Morgan  and  Derham 
arrived  safely  on  a  small  trading  vessel.     Others  were  less  fortunate. 
Mrs.  MacCurtain  was  shot  at  and  her  house  was  raided  and  denuded  of 
evidence  shortly  after  she  had  received  the  invitation  of  the  Commission. 
Her  shattered  health — she  had  given  birth  to  still-born  twins  a  few 
months  after  her  husband  was  killed — prevented  her  from  taking  the 
long  trip,  and  two  of  her  sisters  came  in  her  place. 

The  Commission  also  tried  to  secure  as  witnesses  a  number  of 

British  citizens  representing  various  English  points  of  view  on  Ireland. 
L^nfortunately,  members  of  the  British  Labor  Party 

delegation  that  investigated  conditions  in  Ireland  have  Witnesses 

thus    far    been    unable    to    come    to    the    Commis-  t*"°"?     , 

tngland 

sion  to  give  us  at  first  hand  the  benefit  of  their  in- 
quiry. Their  report,  however,  is  before  us.  Others,  such  as  Mrs. 
Annan  Bryce  and  Mr.  H.  W.  Nevinson,  were  likewise  unable  to  accept 
our  invitation.  The  British  Branch  of  the  Women's  International 
League  sent  to  us  Mrs.  Annot  Erskine  Robinson  and  Miss  Ellen  C. 
Wilkinson,  both  of  Manchester,  two  of  a  delegation  of  ten  English- 
women representing  their  branch  of  the  League,  which  made  a  first- 
hand investigation  in  Ireland  last  autumn.  They  gave  direct  testimony 
and  presented  to  the  Commission  the  official  report  of  their  delegation. 


4  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

The  report  on  Ireland  of  the  British  Society  of  Friends  was  also  placed 
before  the  Commission  by  Mr.  Paul  Furnas  of  New  York. 

One  of  the  witnesses  invited  by  the  Commission  was  the  Rev.  T.  T. 
Shields  of  Toronto,  Canada,  who  accompanied  the  delegation  of  Ulster 
Protestant   clergymen   on    their   tour   of    the    United 
English      _  States   last  year,   and   who,   we   were   informed,   had 

AmericjT*  "*  some  valuable  documentary  evidence  on  Ireland  in  his 

possession.  Mr.  Shields  received  the  advances  of  the 
Commission  in  a  mood  of  unreceptivity,  and  the  effort  to  secure  his 
testimony,  and  possibly  that  of  some  members  of  the  Ulster  delega- 
tion, failed.  A  number  of  English  journalists  in  the  United  States 
were  also  invited  to  testify,  but  in  no  case  was  an  acceptance  received. 
Valuable  testimony  was  given  by  fifteen  American  citizens  who  had 
recently  visited  Ireland,  including  several  journalists.  In  addition  to 
the  direct  testimony  the  Commission  has  gathered  a 
American  mass  of   reports  and  documents  bearing  on   Ireland, 

including  numerous  official  British  reports  and  stat- 
istics, and  the  weekly  official  bulletin  of  the  Irish  Republic. 

The  Commission's  inquiry  has  received  cordial  cooperation  and  sup- 
port from  leading  citizens  representing  various  groups  in  Irish  life,  in- 
cluding Cardinal  Logue,  Sir  Horace  Plunkett,  George 
Irish,  English,        Russell,    Mrs.    Alice    Stopford    Greene,    Lieutenant 
^^    .  Commander    Erskine    Childers,    Mr.    Arthur    Griffith 

Friendliness  ^^id  officers  of  the   Irish  Labor   Movement.     Its  in- 

quiry has  been  greeted  with  similar  cordiality  by  many 
leading  English  citizens,  including  Sir  Francis  Vane,  Bart.,  of  Hut- 
ton,  who  was  the  chief  British  recruiting  officer  in  Ireland  during  the 
war;  Mr.  H.  W.  Nevinson,  Sir  John  Simon,  Mr.  Annan  Bryce,  Mr. 
Arthur  Henderson,  Mr.  George  Lansbury,  Mr.  William  P.  Adamson, 
Mr.  C.  T.  Cramp,  Mr.  George  Bernard  Shaw,  and  others.  American 
Senators,  Governors,  Mayors  and  other  distinguished  citizens  warml\ 
approved  our  project  although  precluded  from  participation  in  it. 

BRITISH  PREVENT  INVESTIGATION  IN  IRELAND 

It  must  be  pointed  out  that  while  the  reports  and  documents  gath- 
ered by  the  Commission  present  the  case  of  Ireland  from  diverse  points 
of  view,  the  direct  testimony  available  gives  the  case 
Defects  of  almost  wholly  from  the  Irish  Republican  viewpoint  oi 

nquiry  from  sources  not  unsympathetic  to  the  application  of 

the  principle  of  self-determination  to  Ireland,  In  other  words,  the 
Ulster  Unionist  viewpoint  and  that  of  British  officialdom  in  Ireland,  in 
spite  of  every  earnest  effort  of  the  Commission,  were  not  represented 
among  the  witnesses.  Diligent  efforts  were  made  to  remedy  this  un- 
fortunate defect. 


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6  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

The  Commission  planned,  among  other  things,  to  send  a  sub-com- 
mittee to  England  and  Ireland,  and  it  was  arranged  that  in  England  this 
committee  should  consult  every  available  source  of 
Commission^  British   opinion   on    Ireland.      Major    Newman,    Mr. 

Maurer  and  Dr.  William  MacDonald,  the  Secretary 
of  the  Commission,  were  selected  for  this  mission,  but  after  passports 
had  been  secured  from  our  State  Department  the  British  Government 
through  the  Embassy  refused  vises.  (See  correspondence,  Appendix 
A.)  The  Commission  regretted  this  action,  not  only  because  of  its 
prejudicial  efifect  against  the  British  Government  on  a  large  section  of 
American  opinion,  but  particularly  because  the  first  suggestion  that  the 
Commission  extend  its  inquiry  to  England  and  Ireland  had  come  from 
British  sources,  from  a  group  of  the  principal  leaders  in  the  Labor 
Party. 

We  wish  to  commend  the  frank  and  dispassionate  spirit  in  which 
the  Irish  witnesses  presented  their  testimony.  They  came  to  us  in 
many  cases  under  conditions  of  great  personal  inconvenience,  or  even 
danger.  In  so  far  as  they  represented  the  Irish  people  before  the 
Commission,  that  people  has  cause  for  pride  in  them. 


CHAPTER    II 

Review   of   the   Situation   and   Statement 
of  Findings 

OUR  inquiry  has  been  concerned  with  only  those  aspects  of  condi- 
tions in  Ireland  that  appeal  to  the  sympathy,  conscience  and  sense 
of  justice  of  mankind,  and  that  cannot  be  ignored  if  the  traditions 
of  civilization  are  to  be  the  basis  of  human  comity.  Repeated  refusal 
of  the  Imperial  British  Government  to  permit  a  parliamentary  or  judicial 
investigation  that  w^ould  reveal  the  facts  made  inevitable  both  this 
inquiry  and  subsequent  inquiries  by  various  groups  of  British  citizens. 
This  departure  from  traditional  British  frankness  in  dealing  w^ith  the 
activities  of  Imperial  officials  and  troops  culminated  in  the  suppression 
of  the  report  of  General  Strickland  on  the  burning  of  Cork.  The 
Imperial  British  claim  to  Ireland  would  seem  to  us  to  incur  more  injury 
from  such  concealment  than  any  revelation  could  possibly  inflict. 

EVENTS  LEADING  TO  THE  PRESENT  CRISIS 

The  terms  of  our  reference  did  not  allow  us  to  extend  our  inquiry 
to  the  historical  relation  of  Ireland  to  the  British  Empire  and  the 
economic  and  social  effects  of  that  relation  as  shown  by  the  loss  of 
population  and  the  condition  of  the  people.  The  revival  of  Irish 
nationhood  and  the  part  played  in  it  by  the  Gaelic  League,  the  co- 
operative movement,  the  Irish  Labor  Movement  and  the  Sinn  Fein 
organization  were  also  beyond  our  scope.  Certain  facts,  however,  must 
be  understood  as  a  basis  for  a  correct  appraisal  of  present  events.  These 
facts  do  not  seem  to  be  questioned  and  may  be  set  forth  without  offering 
proof. 

The  central  fact  in  the  Irish  situation  is  the  presence  of  the  British 
in  Ireland.  The  British  can  point  to  700  years  of  possession  of  Ireland, 
and  to  700  years  spent  in  trying  to  pacify  Ireland;  and  the  British 
naturally  desire  to  continue  to  possess  Ireland,  for  they  are  proud  of 
their  empire,  jealous  of  its  integrity,  and  anxious  about  its  security. 

The  Irish  people  from  age  to  age,  almost  from  generation  to 
generation,  have  contested  the  right  of  the  British  in  Ireland.  Since 
the  United  States  was  liberated  from  the  British  Empire,  the  Irish 
people  had  asserted  their  natural  right  by  arms  on  the  following  occa- 
sions: 1783.  1798,  1803,  1848  and  1867.  These  and  "constitutional" 
efforts  won  from  the  British  Parliament  the  abolition  of  Penal  Laws 
against  Roman  Catholics,  the   disestablishment  of   the  Irish   Church, 


8  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

liberal  land  laws,  and,  finally,  the  Irish  Home  Rule  Act,  which  was 
passed  by  Lords  and  Commons  and  signed  by  the  King  in  1914.  At  the 
behest  of  the  British  Tories,  under  the  titular  leadership  of  Sir  Edward 
Carson,  that  act  was  forthwith  suspended  for  the  duration  of  the  war  to 
which  the  Irish  Nationalist  leader  John  Redmond  and  his  party  gave 
their  support.  Later  the  act  was  rendered  void  by  a  superseding  act 
which  partitioned  Ireland. 

To  fight  the  Home  Rule  Act,  Sir  Edward  Carson's  Tory  lords  had 
started  the  Ulster  rebellion  of  1914,  armed  the  Unionists  there,  and  set 
up  a  Provisional  Government  in  Belfast.  This  insurrection  was  abetted 
by  Lord  French,  and  by  Sir  Henry  Wilson,  now  of  the  Imperial  British 
High  Command.  Thereafter  Sir  Edward  Carson  and  the  other  leaders 
in  the  Ulster  insurrection  were  promoted  to  high  office  in  the  Imperial 
British  Government. 

After  this,  in  1916,  Irish  poets,  teachers,  and  leaders,  with  less  than 
1000  followers,  rose  in  rebellion,  and  declared  Ireland's  independence. 
Confronted  with  the  Irish  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  Imperial 
British  Government  poured  additional  troops  into  Ireland.  The  re- 
bellion was  crushed  in  April,  1916. 

The  Imperial  British  Government  then  continued  to  pour  troops 
into  Ireland.  The  Irish  to  an  increasing  degree  were  deprived  of  civil 
and  social  liberty.  Such  British  rule  lasted  until  December  14,  1918, 
when,  at  the  conclusion  of  a  war  avowedly  fought  for  the  rights  of 
small  nations,  the  Irish  people  in  the  general  election,  held  under  British 
auspices,  gave  the  endorsement  of  their  suffrage  to  the  Irish  Republic 
which  was  the  election  issue  in  Ireland.*  In  fulfillment  of  their  pledge 
the  elected  representatives  of  the  Irish  Republic  met  in  Congress  (Dail 
Eirann)  at  Dublin,  organized  as  a  Government,  nominated  officers, 
and  proceeded  to  function  (January  21,  1919).  And  an  army  known 
as  the  Irish  Republican  Army  was  created,  equipped  with  distinctive 
uniforms,  and  drilled  openly. 

HOW  GREAT  BRITAIN  MET  THE  INSURRECTION 

It  is  with  the  means  used  by  the  British  Government  to  meet  the 
situation  brought  about  by  the  defection  of  the  Irish  people  that  this 
Commission  was  required  chiefly  to  concern  itself  by  the  terms  of  its 
appointment.  Since  no  exponent  of  the  policy  of  the  Imperial  British 
Government  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  ofifered  by  the  invitation 
of  the  Commission  to  appear  in  defence  or  explanation  of  the  British 
policy  in  Ireland,  the  Commission  has  been  forced  to  determine  the 
outlines  of  this  policy  partly  by  the  proven  actions  of  the  Imperial 


*  In  England  the  election  issue  was,  "Make  Germany  pay  for  the  war  and 
hang  the  Kaiser";  in  Ireland,  "Separate  completely  from  England."  In  effect,  the 
English  did  not  vote  on  this  Irish  issue  and  the  Irish  did  not  vote  on  the  English 
"khaki"  issue. 


10  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

British  forces  in  Ireland  and  partly  by  decrees,  orders  and  other  official 
British  proclamations  put  in  evidence. 

Civilized  governments  meet  such  a  situation  in  one  of  two  ways: 
(1)  a  declaration  of  "a  state  of  war"  and  suppression  of  the  insurrection 
under  the  rules  of  warfare  as  recognized  and  practiced  by  civilized 
peoples;  or  (2)  a  declaration  of  martial  law  under  which  responsible 
governments  maintain  their  authority  when  the  ordinary  processes  of 
civil  law  are  deemed  inadequate. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  Imperial  British  Government  used 
the  first  of  these  two  measures  to  meet  the  situation  in  Ireland,  at  least 
until  February  24,  1921,  when  a  decision  of  the  King's  Bench  in  the 
case  of  John  Allen  declared  that  a  "state  of  war"  existed  in  Ireland. 
It  seems  clear  that,  until  this  date,  proclamations  of  martial  law  and  the 
Restoration  of  Order  in  Ireland  Act  of  1920,  were  relied  upon  to 
legalize  the  British  policy  of  repression.  But  the  facts  suggest  that  the 
actual  operation  of  this  policy  was  not  based  upon  law.  There  exists 
neither  under  the  laws  of  war  nor  under  the  codes  of  martial  law  in 
civilized  states  any  justification  for  assassination,  pillaging  or  terrorism 
as  a  means  of  suppressing  insurrection.  And  yet  this  Commission  is  re- 
luctantly forced  to  the  conclusion  by  evidence  to  be  set  forth  in  the 
succeeding  chapters,  that  such  means  are  relied  upon  by  the  Imperial 
British  forces  in  Ireland  to  bring  the  Irish  people  once  more  under  the 
control  of  the  Imperial  Crown. 

IRISH  RESISTANCE 

It  is  admitted  by  witnesses  who  have  appeared  before  us  that 
during  the  years  1919  and  1920  following  the  creation  of  a  Republican 
government,  members  of  the  Imperial  British  forces  have  been  killed 
by  the  forces  of  the  Irish  Republic.  No  direct  evidence  has  been  pre- 
sented as  to  these  killings  or  as  to  their  exact  number.  These  are  the 
cases  customarily  referred  to  by  spokesmen  of  the  Imperial  British  Gov- 
ernment as  the  "murders  of  policemen."  We  have  heard  testimony  that 
the  greater  number  were  slain  in  conflicts  between  the  forces  of  the  Irish 
Republican  Army  and  the  Imperial  British  forces — often  in  raids  by  the 
Irish  to  secure  arms  and  ammunition.  The  rest,  it  is  testified,  were 
killed  either  because  they  were  spies  or  because  they  were  guilty  of  some 
specific  crime  directed  against  Irish  Republicans ;  and  had  been  tried  and 
condemned  before  death.  (We  note  that  it  is  generally  conceded  that 
among  the  victims  of  this  procedure  were  no  women  or  children,  aged 
or  infirm,  priests  or  ministers.)  It  is  not  contended  that  the  victims 
were  present  at  these  trials,  and  we  have  received  no  proof  of  the  cir- 
cumstances alleged  in  extenuation  of  these  killings.  We  may  take 
cognizance  of  the  fact  that  among  the  more  prominent  of  the  victims 
were  Inspector  Swanzy,  indicted  by  a  Coroner's  jury  as  one  of  the 
murderers  of  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain  of  Cork;  and  Colonel  Smyth, 
concerning  whom  witnesses  presented  proof  that  he  incited  his  men 


THE  SITUATION  AND  THE  FINDINGS  11 

to  wholesale  slaughter  of  Sinn  Feiners.  We  have  also  been  impressed 
by  the  evidence  developed  by  a  British  military  tribunal  in  the  trial 
of  one  Teeling  that  Lieutenant  Angliss,  one  of  the  British  officers  who 
were  killed  in  Dublin  on  November  21,  1920,  had  been  living  as  a 
civilian  in  a  house  in  Dublin  under  the  assumed  name  of  MacMahon. 
Furthermore,  evidence  has  been  presented  which  would  seem  to  indi- 
cate that  no  British  "police"  or  soldiers  were  killed  by  the  Irish  in 
1917  or  1918  with  the  single  exception  of  an  inspector  who  was  injured 
leading  a  baton  charge  to  suppress  a  public  assembly,  and  who  died 
later  of  his  wounds.  There  is  evidence,  however,  that  during  these  two 
years  the  Imperial  British  forces  had  carried  on  a  campaign  of  suppres- 
sion in  which  more  than  a  thousand  Irish  were  arrested  without  warrant, 
and  deported,  or  held  in  custody  without  trial ;  that  fairs  and  markets 
were  prohibited ;  assemblies  of  unarmed  men  and  women  were  broken 
up  by  violence ;  and  about  a  dozen  Irishmen  were  killed  by  bullets  or 
bayonets  handled  by  Imperial  British  "police"  or  soldiers.  But  when 
all  this  has  been  set  forth  it  seems  established  by  the  evidence  that  cer- 
tain discriminate  assassinations  were  the  deliberate  work  of  Irish 
citizens. 

The  Commission  would  point  out  that  murder  is  not  a  question  of 
date.  And  if  the  Irish  assassinations  are  in  essence  executions,  yet  the 
accused  is  perforce  absent  from  his  trial ;  and  the  condemned  not  being 
in  custody,  the  executioners  in  error  may  dispatch  some  uncondemned 
person.  We  deeply  deplore  the  whole  procedure  no  matter  how  great 
is  the  provocation  as  contrary  to  the  dictates  of  social  morality.  If  the 
purpose  of  assassination  was  to  safeguard  the  people,  it  has  failed ; 
the  British  terror  was  not  arrested  by  it  but  has  continued  in 
spite  of  it  and  has  progressively  intensified.  Assassination  would  seem 
to  us  necessarily  degrading  to  those  who  actively  participate  in  it; 
injurious  to  the  fair  fame  of  the  Irish  people ;  and  harmful  to  the  cause 
of  Ireland  in  the  public  opinion  of  the  world. 

BRITISH  RESPONSIBILITY 

The  Commission,  however,  understands  that  the  British  Govern- 
ment has  not  abandoned  its  claim  to  be  the  titular  custodian  of  law, 
justice  and  order  in  Ireland.  Political  assassination  especially  in  a 
country  where  ordinary  murder  is  as  uncommon  as  in  Ireland  is  a  phe- 
nomenon whose  causes  require  investigation.  It  has  therefore  seemed 
of  paramount  importance  to  examine  the  means  used  by  the  British 
Government  to  enforce  whatever  principles  of  justice  it  deems  applicable 
to  Ireland,  and  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  upon  what  principles  this  justice 
is  grounded.  For,  if  we  accept  the  claim  of  Great  Britain  that  it  is  in 
control  of  afifairs  in  Ireland,  we  cannot  escape  the  conclusion  that  the 
British  Government  must  accept  responsibility  for  the  deplorable  con- 
ditions that  have  followed  upon  its  attempts  to  maintain  its  authority. 


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THE  SITUATION  AND  THE  FINDINGS  13 

CONCLUSIONS 

We  find  that  the  Irish  people  are  deprived  ol  ihe  protection  of 
British  law,  to  which  they  would  be  entitled  as  subjects  of  the  British 
King.  They  are  likewise  deprived  of  the  moral  protection  granted  l)v 
international  law.  to  which  they  would  be  entitled  as  belligerents.  The\- 
are  at  the  mercy  of  Imperial  British  forces  which,  acting  contrary  botli 
to  all  law  and  to  all  standards  of  human  conduct,  have  instituted  in 
Ireland  a  "terror"  the  evidence  regarding  which  seems  to  prove  that ; 

1.  1  he  Imperial  British  Government  has  created  and  introduced  into 
Ireland  a  force  of  at  least  78,000  men.  many  of  them  youthful  and 
inexperienced,  and  some  of  them  conxicts ;  and  has  incited  that  force 
to  unbridled  violence. 

2.  The  Imperial  British  forces  in  Ireland  have  indiscriminately  killed 
innocent  men,  women  and  children;  have  discriminately  assassinated 
persons  suspected  of  being  Republicans;  have  tortured  and  shot 
prisoners  while  in  custody,  adopting  the  subterfuges  of  "refusal  to 
halt"  and  "attempting  to  escape";  and  have  attributed  to  alleged 
"Sinn  Fein  Extremists"  the  British  assassination  of  prominent  Irish 
Republicans. 

3.  House-burning  and  wanton  destruction  of  villages  and  cities  by 
Imperial  British  forces  under  Imperial  British  officers  have  been 
countenanced,  and  ordered  by  officials  of  the  British  Government; 
and  elaborate  provision  by  gasoline  sprays  and  bombs  has  been  made 
in  a  number  of  instances  for  systematic  incendiarism  as  part  of  a 
plan  of  terrorism. 

4.  A  campaign  for  the  destruction  of  the  means  of  existence  of  the 
Irish  people  has  been  conducted  by  the  burning  of  factories,  cream- 
eries, crops  and  farm  implements  and  the  shooting  of  farm  animals. 
This  campaign  is  carried  on  regardless  of  the  political  views  of  their 
owners,  and  results  in  widespread  and  acute  sufifering  among  women 
and  children. 

5.  Acting  under  a  series  of  proclamations  issued  by  the  competent 
military  authorities  of  the  Imperial  British  forces,  hostages  are 
carried  by  forces  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  Republican  army;  fines 
are  levied  upon  towns  and  villages  as  punishment  for  alleged 
offenses  of  individuals;  private  property  is  destroyed  in  reprisals 
for  acts  with  which  the  owners  have  no  connection ;  and  the  civilian 
population  is  subjected  to  an  inquisition  upon  the  theory  that  indi- 
viduals are  in  possession  of  information  valuable  to  the  military 
forces  of  Great  Britain.  These  acts  of  the  Imperial  British  forces 
are  contrary  to  the  laws  of  peace  or  war  among  modern  civilized 
nations. 


14  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

6.  This  "terror"  has  failed  to  reestablish  Imperial  British  civil  govern- 
ment in  Ireland.  Throughout  the  greater  part  of  Ireland  British 
courts  have  ceased  to  function;  local,  county  and  city  governments 
refuse  to  recognize  British  authority ;  and  British  civil  officials  fulfill 
no  function  of  service  to  the  Irish  people, 

7.  In  spite  of  the  British  "terror"  the  majority  of  the  Irish  people 
having  sanctioned  by  ballot  the  Irish  Republic,  give  their  allegiance 
to  it;  pay  taxes  to  it;  and  respect  the  decisions  of  its  courts  and 
of  its  civil  officials. 


CHAPTER   III 
Imperial  British  Forces  in  Ireland 

THE  testimony  before  the  Commission  shows  the  forces  of  the 
Imperial  Government  in  Ireland  to  be  divisible  into  three 
classes : 

(a)  The  Royal  Irish  Constabulary. 

(b)  The  Military. 

(c)  The  Auxiliaries. 

The  Royal  Irish  Constabulary  seem  to  number  between  9,000  and 
10,000;  and  are  commonly  referred  to  as  the  R.  I.  C,  or  the  "police." 
They  appeared  to  be  a  body  recruited  in  Ireland,  given  tu    r   i  r 

military  training,  taught  to  use  revolvers,  carbines,  and 
bayonets,  made  expert  in  bomb  throwing,  organized  as  a  military  force, 
distributed  at  strategic  points  under  the  command  of  officers  called 
inspectors,  and  responsible  not  to  elected  Irish  authority  but  to  Imperial 
British  authority. 

In  addition  to  these  10,000  "police,"  the  Imperial  British  forces  in 
Ireland  contain  regular  regiments  of  the  British  army,  such  as  the 
Essex,  the  Lancashire,  the  Hampshire,  the  Cameron  _,.,. 

,      ,        _  ,     T  1  Military 

Highlanders,  and  the  Seventeenth  Lancers — number- 
ing, it  is  testified,  anywhere  from  60,000  to  200,000.    These  men  wear 
trench  helmets  and  are  equipped  with  all  the  modern  instruments  of 
destruction. 

Besides  these,  there  are  seven  thousand  irregulars,  wearing  partly 
R.  I.  C,  and  partly  military  uniforms,  who  are  distinguished  by  their 

origin,  their  high  rate  of  pay,  and  their  character,  and  . 

,  ,  -ni     1  J  'T'  Auxiliaries 

who  are  known  as  Black  and  ians. 

Lastly,  we  have  testimony  concerning  a  supplementary  irregular 
force  of  higher  rating  than  the  Black  and  Tans,  comprising  mainly  ex- 
officers  of  the  British  army,  called  Cadets,  and  num- 
bering more  than  1,000.  Altogether,  the  Imperial  ®*^ 
British  forces  in  Ireland  would  at  the  lowest  estimate  seem  to  number 
78,000,  one  to,  approximately,  every  eight  adult  males  in  Ireland,  ex- 
clusive of  Ulster. 

The  splendid  tradition  of  the  Imperial  British  forces  in  the  late 
war,  as  well  as  justice  to  the  rank  and  file  of  these  forces  now  engaged 
in  Ireland,  would  seem  to  require  that  the  consideration  of  the  circum- 
stances in  which  they  find  themselves  should  precede  the  consideration 
of  their  conduct  in  these  circumstances. 

15 


IMPERIAL  BRITISH    FORCES   IN    IRELAND  17 

The  skirmishes,  ambushes,  and  other  activities  of  the  Irish  Repub- 
lican Army,  together  with  the  nature  of  the  mihtary  duty  in  Ireland, 
would  appear  to  give  grounds  for  natural  apprehension 
to  the  Imperial  British  forces.     Miss  Ellen  C.  Wilkin-  ^^^^ 

son  read  into  the  record  a  picture  of  the  apprehension  which  lurked  in 
the  mind  of  a  member  of  the  Imperial  army.  "Only  those  who  have  ex- 
perienced," this  man  writes,  "the  thrill  of  patrol  work  and  raids  in  Ire- 
land can  realize  the  strain  on  the  nerves.  At  any  second  we  may  meet 
an  active  antagonist.  In  Ireland  the  enemy  is  a  shadow.  A  sinister 
death,  rarely  seen  until  it  is  too  late  to  advance  or  retreat,  may  lie  just 
around  the  corner." 

Two  publications  of  the  Imperial  British  Government  were  men- 
tioned in  the  evidence ;  one,  The  Hue  and  Cry,  and  the  other,  The 
Weekly  Summary.  Miss  Wilkinson  testified:  "There  is  a  publica- 
tion called  The  Weekly  Summary  given  by  the  British  Government  to 
the  Black  and  Tans  in  Ireland,  and  it  purports  to  give  a  list  of  all 
the  crimes  of  Sinn  Feiners  against  the  government.  It  is,  of  course,  a 
deliberate  incitement  to  violence.  Copies  of  this  have  been  produced 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the  government  has  been  very  severely 
criticized  about  it,  but  without  much  result." 

It  would  appear  that  the  natural  fear  of  the  Imperial  British 
forces  in  Ireland  is  fostered  by  propaganda  into  terror,  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Imperial  British  Government.  The  bearing  of  this 
natural  and  artificial  apprehensiveness  upon  the  prevalence  of  drunken- 
ness among  the  troops  may  be  surmised  if  not  defined.  And  the  temp- 
tation to  quell  fear  in  drink  would  appear  to  be  officially  placed  before 
the  British  troops  by  the  barrack  canteens. 

John  Charles  Clarke,  an  American,  witnessed  the  shooting  of  a  boy 
on  the  streets  of  Cork  by  two  drunken  Black  and  Tans,  who,  scarcely 
able  to  walk,  fired  into  a  crowd,  and  were  then  led 

away  by  their   fellows.  Drunkenness 

Mr.  p.  J.  Guilfoil,  testifying  to  a  raid  he  witnessed  on  a  saloon  at 
Feakle,  County  Clare,  said:  "The  military  had  taken  possession.  They 
were  plainly  partaking  of  the  liquors  in  the  place.  I  saw  that  as  I 
passed  by."  And  later :  "It  was  getting  dark.  Dr.  O'Halloran,  the 
town  physician,  came  down  and  I  said :  'Where  have  you  been  ?'  and 
he  said :     'Up  to  the  barracks.     They  are  all  wild  drunk.'  " 

John  Tangney,  a  former  member  of  the  British  forces,  testified 
concerning  a  raid  in  which  he  participated,  on  a  village  near  Ballylorby : 

This  County  Inspector  Lowndes  had  the  orders,  and  he  adjourned 
to  an  adjoining  saloon  and  had  a  drink,  and  two  young  military 
officers,  who  were  in  charge  of  the  military  party,  adjourned  with  him 
and  got  stupidly  drunk.  All  three  were  drunk.  There  were  some 
Irish  terriers  outside  the  saloon  door,  and  the  officers  took  these  dogs 
and  threw  them  at  each  other      Well,  we  went  home  and  the  military 


18  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

were  firing  all  the  way  back.     I  myself  had  to  come  to  a  soldier  who 
was  stupidly  drunk  and  take  a  revolver  out  of  his  hand. 

John  Joseph  Caddan,  a  former  member  of  the  R.  I.  C,  testified 
that  about  one  year  ago  canteens  were  opened  in  the  barracks,  to  serve 
liquor  in  unrestricted  quantities  to  the  men.  The  men  drank  before 
going  out  on  service.  "They  were  up  there,  some  of  them,  most  of 
the  night  drinking." 

Frank  Dempsey,  Chairman  of  the  Urban  Council  of  Mallow,  testi- 
fied that  when  that  town  was  burned  by  British  soldiers  September 
27th,  1920,  most  of  the  soldiers  in  the  raid  were  drunk.  "The  first 
thing  they  did  was  to  fire  revolver  shots  and  rifle  shots  about  the  town. 
Next  they  raided  some  of  the  public  houses  and  looted  them  and  got 
drunk."  The  witness  states  he  complained  to  the  officer,  who  replied 
that  he  had  lost  control  over  them:    "Damn  it,  they  are  all  drunk." 

It  would  appear  that  the  Imperial  British  troops  engaged  in  Ireland 
were  composed  partly  of  war  veterans  but  also  in  appreciable  numbers 
of  raw  youths.  Many  of  the  witnesses  emphasized 
Youth  of  the  extreme  youth  of  the  British  soldiers  in  Ireland. 

g  .P?V*  In  Belfast  Mrs.  Annot  Erskine  Robinson  and  her  com- 

Forces  panions  saw  large  numbers  of  youths  of  seventeen  or 

eighteen  wearing  the  uniform:  "None  of  them  looked 
like  men."  Miss  Wilkinson  found  the  same  condition  in  the  South : 
"It  is  the  boys  who  are  being  sent  to  Ireland  now."  Mrs.  Robinson 
described  these  boy  soldiers  as  "the  most  pitiable  figures  in  Ireland 
today.  They  have  been  brought  straight  from  home,  and  with  no 
knowledge  of  life.  They  are  under  military  discipline,  and  believe  they 
are  in  the  midst  of  a  hostile  population.  Many  of  them  are  absolutely 
nervous  and  hysterical.  The  drinking  habit  has  become  common — 
there  is  nothing  else  for  them  to  do."  "When  you  get  these  boys  to- 
gether and  talk  to  them  and  fill  up  their  minds  with  the  idea  that 
every  Irishman  is  a  murderer,"  continued  Miss  Wilkinson,  "you  bring 
about  war  psychology,  and  then  you  get  the  atmosphere  that  makes  it 
possible  for  these  things"  [the  outrages  against  the  persons  and  prop- 
erty of  Irish  citizens]  "to  be  done." 

Testimony  alleged  that  these  young  soldiers  have  in  the  Black  and 

Tans  associates  sometimes  of  questionable  character.       It  was  stated 

in  evidence  that  a  British  detective  discovered  in  a 

onvic  8  single  barracks  several  with  criminal  records,  attracted 

to  the  service  perhaps  by  its  licence,  perhaps  by  the  pay — which  is 

equivalent  to  that  received  by  a  lieutenant  in  the  British  army  in  France. 

It  would  appear  that  in  such  a  force  discipHne  is  necessarily  lax. 


CHAPTER   IV 
The  British  Campaign  in  Ireland 

ACCORDING  to  lists  compiled  by  the  Irish  Republican  Govern- 
ment and  submitted  to  us,  over  200  unarmed  Irish  civilians  were 
killed  by  the  military  and  "police"  during  1920  alone.    This  num- 
ber does  not  include  persons  killed  in  skirmishes  or  battles  between 
English  and  Irish  armed  forces,  or  in  indiscriminate  firing.    According 
to  the  Irish  Republican  figures  the  list  includes  six  ^.„. 

11-11  11  1  •  Killings 

women,  twelve  children,  ten  old  men  and  two  priests. 
The  increase  in  the  killings  over  those  of  the  past  few  years  is  startling. 
For  1919  eight  similar  killings  were  recorded,  for  1918,  six,  and  for 
1917,  seven. 

We  cannot  vouch  for  the  exactness  of  these  figures,  but  we  have 
direct  testimony  describing  the  killing  of  MacCurtain,  Walsh,  Buckley, 
Quirk,  and  the  boy  at  the  Galway  railway  station ;  of  ten  men,  one  woman 
and  three  children  at  Croke  Park ;  and  of  others.  In  addition,  statements 
made  before  us  indicate  that  when  local  disturbances  (not  military 
battles)  and  general  shooting-up  of  towns  are  added  to  the  category,  the 
tally  of  civilians  violently  brought  to  an  end  in  1920  runs  into  many 
hundreds.  Miss  Signe  Toksvig  testified  that  figures  published  in 
Belfast  for  the  month  of  August  alone  showed  56  persons  killed  in 
that  one  city,  as  the  result  of  local  disturbances.  We  shall  cite  from 
the  testimony  as  few  instances  as  are  necessary  to  elucidate  it,  selecting 
them  not  for  their  ghastliness  but  for  their  instructiveness. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Cotter  was  in  Dublin  when  John  A. 
Lynch,   a   Republican    Councilman   and    Registrar   of      John  A.  Lynch 
Courts,  was  shot  in  the  Exchange  Hotel  (September 
21,  1920).    He  investigated  the  tragedy: 

Six  soldiers  came  to  the  door  of  the  hotel  at  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  asked  to  see  the  register,  looked  for  a  name  and  went  to  room 
number  six.  They  left.  Nobody  heard  any  sound.  And  some  half 
hour  or  so  afterwards  two  policemen  came  and  knocked  at  the  hotel 
and  said  to  the  night  clerk:  "We  are  going  to  guard  room  number  six, 
where  a  man  lies  dying.  The  military  told  us  to  come  here."  All  the 
next  day  they  stood  guard  at  that  room,  and  did  not  even  admit  the 
proprietor  of  the  hotel  into  that  room.  They  supposed  the  man  was 
dying.    He  was  shot  in  the  throat.     The  military  held  the  inquest. 

In  the  village  of  Ragg,  Thomas  Dwyer,  known  as 
a  Republican,  was  shot  at  his  own  door  January  21,    Thomas  Dwyer 
1920.     Councillor  Morgan  testified:  °^  ^*^^ 

19 


rill':    BRITISH   CAMPAIGN   IN   IRELAND  21 

A  knock  came  at  the  door  and  his  sister,  a  married  lady,  opened 
the  door,  and  they  demanded  her  brother.  She  said  he  was  upstairs. 
He  came  down  with  a  candle  in  his  hand.  Two  shots  were  fired  and  he 
fell.  A  man  at  the  dcor  said:  "I  think  I  will  finish  him."  And  he  fired 
another  shot  into  him.  The  verdict  in  that  case  was  "Wilful  murder 
against  the  members  of  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary." 

In  each  of  these  cases,  the  assassination  of  a  particular  person 
seems  to  have  been  sought.  If  any  trial  preceded  the  assassination,  the 
acctised  was  absent  from  it. 

The  identity  of  the  victim  was  established  in  the  first  case  by  occu- 
pancy of  a  room.  The  uncertainty  of  such  methods  of  identification  is 
emphasized  by  the  deaths  of  James  McCarthy  and  Patrick  Lynch. 

Dennis  Morgan,  Chairman  of  the  Urban  Council 
of   the  agricultural   town  of   Thurles*   in   Tipperary,  James 

.  McCarthy 

told  of  several  killings  in  the  neighborhood  during  the  ^f  jhurles 

past  year.     Here  is  one  incident: 

A  member  of  the  Urban  Council  named  McCarthy  was  very 
prominent  in  demanding  an  inquiry  into  the  shooting  up  of  the  town. 
At  the  Urban  Council  he  put  forward  a  resolution  that  some  inquiry 
be  held  as  to  the  importance  of  the  damage  done  and  everything  else 
in  the  shooting  up  of  the  town.  This  chap  got  a  letter  informing  him 
that  if  he  came  up  Pryor  Street  in  the  direction  of  the  barracks  they 
would  give  him  all  the  information  he  wanted.  Naturally,  he  did  not 
move.  A  few  nights  afterward,  after  the  family  was  in  bed — they 
live  off  the  Liberty  Square — the  family  was  in  bed  about  two  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  A  knocking  came  at  the  door  and  they  asked  who  was 
there,  and  they  said  they  were  looking  for  one  McCarthy.  The  mem- 
ber of  the  Urban  Council  is  Michael  McCarthy.  The  brother,  a  lad 
named  James,  who  never  takes  part  in  public  life  in  any  way,  simply 
a  chap  who  is  fond  of  going  around  with  dogs  and  sporting,  he  said 
he  would  go  down  and  answer  the  door.  As  he  answered  the  door  the 
men  asked  him  what  was  his  name.  Immediately  two  shots  were  fired, 
and  he  fell  back  dead  in  the  hall.     The  men  wore  police  uniforms. 

Rev.  Michael  M.  English  of  Whitehall,  Montana. 

testified  to  a  killing  he  investigated  in  the  town  of        Patrick  Lynch 
TT        .     ,     ^  T^  •  1  of  Hospital 

Hospital,  County  Limerick: 

On  the  morning  of  Sunday,  the  fifteenth  of  August,  I  went  to 
the  town  of  Hospital.  Upon  the  previous  night  a  number  of  soldiers 
had  entered  the  house  of  Patrick  Lynch,  a  harness  maker,  a  single  man 
forty  years  of  age,  living  with  his  two  sisters  and  a  blind  father. 
These  soldiers  had  entered  his  house  at  eleven-thirty,  Sunday  night, 
while  they  were  on  their  knees  saying  the  rosary.  The  first  asked 
Lynch  to  come  along.  He  said:  "Just  a  minute  until  I  get  my  cap." 
They  said:  "You  will  jiot  need  your  cap  in  the  place  you  are  going." 
They  took  him  about  a  hundred  yards  to  a  place  called  the  Fair  Green, 
the  village  square.  And  then  they  shot  him.  There  were  about  four 
wounds  in  his  beads.     His  body  was  badly  battered. 

*  Thurles    was   partly    destroyed   January    20,    1920,    following   the    killing    of 
a    policeman    ir.    the    town. 


22  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

Lynch  was  not  connected  with  the  Republican  movement,  and  it 
was  reported  in  the  village  that  he  had  been  mistaken  for  some  other 
man  of  the  same  name.  A  statement  was  made  public  by  the  police 
to  the  efifect  that  he  had  been  shot  by  forces  of  the  Crown  while  attempt- 
ing to  escape.  Father  English  attended  the  inquest  and  testified  to  us 
that  no  evidence  to  this  effect  was  presented. 

Other  instances  of  analogous  mistakes  leading  to  vicarious  sacrifice 
were  presented  to  the  Commission, 

These  killings  would  seem  to  take  place  indifferently,  sometimes  in 
the  presence  of  the  family,  sometimes  more  remotely.  We  would  be 
glad  to  think  that  the  latter  are  governed  more  by  the  dictates  of 
humanity  than  other  considerations. 

There  was  no  allegation  of  crime  made  against  any  of  these  de- 
ceased, so  far  as  the  testimony  reveals,  John  A.  Lynch  was  a  member 
of  the  legal  department  of  the  Government  of  the  Irish  Republic. 
Thomas  Dwyer  was  a  recognized  Republican ;  Patrick  Lynch  was  mis- 
taken for  a  Republican  namesake.  None  of  them  was  alleged  to  have 
done  any  injury  to  the  Imperial  British  forces,  or  to  have  held  a  posi- 
tion of  authority  in  the  Irish  Republic  such  as  to  make  him  in  any 
sense  personally  responsible  for  the  direction  of  activities  against  the 
Imperial  British  forces. 

The  deceased  James  McCarthy  was  the  brother  of  a  Republican 
Urban  Councillor.  The  wages  of  a  Republican  would  appear  to  be 
the  portion  of  his  kin. 

Mrs,  King  of  fronton,  Ohio,  talked  in  Bantry  with  the  mother  of  a 
hunchback  youth  who  had  been  killed  in  his  home  a  few  nights  before 
Hunchback  ( August,   1920).     The  woman  had  two  sons,  one  a 

Boy  Volunteer,  who  was  "on  the  run," 

There  were  no  lights  at  night  on  the  streets  of  Bantry,  and  the 
Black  and  Tans  or  the  R,  I,  C. — they  are  disguised  so  that  one  could 
not  tell  to  which  body  they  belonged — they  knocked  at  the  door.  She 
answered  the  knock  with  a  candle  in  her  hand.  The  soldiers  knocked 
the  candle  from  her,  using  an  electric  light  to  light  them  up  the  stairs. 
The  Volunteer  boy  was  not  at  home.  The  little  hunchback  boy  ran 
from  his  own  room  into  his  brother's  room.  The  mother  rushed  up 
the  stairs  after  them,  and  was  in  sight  of  the  tragedy  when  it  occurred. 
"My  boy's  hands  were  raised  in  prayer,"  she  said.  "They  shot  through 
his  uplifted  hands." 

Having  accomplished  such  a  murder,  the  soldiers  or  police  dis- 
appeared. Their  individual  identity  was  not  established ;  and  they  were 
under  no  necessity  to  justify  the  killing.  Their  motive  can  be  inferred 
only  from  the  character  and  political  connections  of  the  intended  victim. 
But  cases  have  been  presented  to  us  in  which  specific  individuals  of 
Republican  affiliations,  having  been  sought  and  found  by  the  Imperial 
British  forces,  were  slain  not  in  their  homes  but  while  in  custody.  The 
case  of  Patrick  Lynch  of  Hospital  would  appear  to  indicate  that  the 


24  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

killing  of  an  untried   prisoner  in  Ireland  may   require  and  evoke  an 
explanation. 

LEY  DE  FUGA 

Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan  testified  that  "this  practice  of  shooting 

men  while  prisoners  and  then  alleging  that  they  were  shot  in  an  effort 

to  escape,"  had  become  much  more  frequent  since  the 

"Shot  trying  coroners'  inquests  had  been  done  away  with  by  British 

to   escape  ^, 

authority. 

A  case  in  point  is  that  of  the  Buckley  brothers,  two  young  Repub- 
licans of  Midleton,  County  Cork,  arrested  together  on  August  27,  1920. 

Mrs.  Michael  Mohan  of  Corona,  New  York,  testified 
Buckley  ^j^^^.    gj^g    g^^    them   removed    from   the   barracks    in 

Midleton,  hand-cuffed,  in  a  lorry,  accompanied  by  sol- 
diers. When  they  reached  Cork  in  that  lorry  both  brothers  had  been 
shot  and  one  of  them  was  dying.  The  military  stated  that  they  had 
been  shot  trying  to  escape.  Here  is  the  sworn  deposition  of  the 
surviving  brother,  as  presented  to  the  Commission  by  Lord  Mayor 
O'Callaghan : 

On  Friday  morning,  August  27,  1920,  at  the  hour  of  1  A.  M., 
I  was  awakened  by  very  loud  knocking  at  the  door.  My  brother  Sean 
and  myself  were  sleeping  in  the  one  room;  w^e  got  up  and  dressed, 
then  came  downstair?.  My  father  had  come  down  before  us  and  had 
the  door  opened.  Two  policemen,  one  of  vv^hom  was  Constable  Clancy 
•  of  Midleton  Police  Barracks,  and  a  Cameron  officer,  entered.  About 
twenty-five  Cameron  soldiers  who  accompanied  them  surrounded  the 
house  outside. 

A  thorough  search  of  the  house  was  proceeded  with  for  about 
an  hour  and  ten  minutes  by  the  officers  and  a  sergeant  of  the  Came- 
rons.  The  officer  then  placed  my  brother  and  myself  under  arrest, 
without  charging  us  with  any  offense.  We  were  taken  on  foot  by  the 
entire  party  to  the  military  headquarters  at  Midleton,  which  is  occu- 
pied by  Camerons.  We  were  handcuffed  there  and  left  in  the  guard- 
room until  evening,  when  we  were  removed  about  6  P.  M.  During  the 
interval  we  were  at  the  military  barracks,  the  handcuffs  were  kept  on 
us  for  ten  hours,  but  our  treatment  otherwise  while  in  the  barracks 
was  quite  normal. 

At  6  P.  M.  we  were  placed  in  a  military  motor  lorry  in  charge  of 
a  Cameron  officer,  and  about  ten  Cameron  soldiers,  and  the  lorry  pro- 
ceeded along  the  main  road  leading  to  Cork.  We  were  both  hand- 
cuffed separately  and  were  sitting  on  the  floor  of  the  lorry.  I  was  at 
the  rear  of  the  lorry  and  my  brother  Sean  was  at  the  front,  both  of 
us  facing  in  the  direction  from  which  we  had  come.  About  half  a 
mile  outside  the  town  I  heard  my  brother  cry  out,  and  immediately  a 
sharp  revolver  shot  rang  out.  The  shout  from  my  brother  was  in  all 
probability  occasioned  by  his  seeing  his  assailant  leveling  the  revolver 
at  him.  A  second  shot  followed  almost  instantly,  and  I  fell  in  the 
lorry,  shot  througii  the  right  shoulder.  I  gave  no  provocation  whatso- 
ever for  This  shot,  and  my  brother  gave  none  either.  We  were  both 
sitting  quite  still,  and  were  making  no  effort  to  escape,  as  is  alleged 
by  the  military. 


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26  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

An  hour  and  a  half  later,  we  were  both  admitted  to  the  military 
hospital,  Victoria  Barracks,  Cork.  During  our  journey  to  Cork,  the 
military  left  us  lying  in  the  lorry  and  never  approached  us  to  ascertain 
the  extent  of  our  injuries,  or  to  succor  us  in  any  way;  neither  did 
they  speak — even  among  themselves — after  firing  the  shots,  until  we 
reached  the  hospital.  As  my  brother  uttered  no  sound  during  the 
journey  to  Cork,  I  believe  he  was  unconscious  all  the  time.  I  suffered 
great  agony  from  the  wound  in  my  shoulder,  but  did  not  speak. 

When  we  reached  the  hospital  we  were  placed  in  a  ward,  and  our 
wounds  attended  to.  My  brother  died  almost  immediately  on  being 
admitted. 

On  the  10th  of  November,  1920,  I  was  released  from  the  hospital 
without  any  charge  being  preferred  against  me,  or  being  tried  in  any 
way.  My  right  arm  from  the  elbow  down  is  still  lifeless,  and  I  am 
unable  to  move  my  fingers. 

If  a  charge  existed  against  the  deceased,  he  w^as  not  tried  for  it 
and  it  was  not  mentioned.  He  was  a  Republican ;  it  would  appear  to 
us  that  he  was  murdered  without  provocation  by  soldiers  wearing 
His  Majesty's  uniform  while  he  was  unarmed  and  handcuffed  in  a 
vehicle  in  the  custody  of  an  officer  of  His  Majesty's  Cameronians. 

Miss  Louie  Bennett  testified  to  another  application  of  this  Ley 
de  Fuga,  and  several  more  instances  were  presented  to  us.  It  would 
seem  that  "Shot  trying  to  escape"  is  sometimes  used  officially  to 
connote  the  assassination  of  an  Irish  citizen,  an  unarmed  prisoner  of 
the  Imperial  British  forces. 

The  "refusal  to  halt"  variant  of  this  Ley  de  Fuga  was  called  to  our 
attention  in  the  depositions  from  Patrick  Nunan,  a  farmer  at  Butte- 
vant,  County  Cork,  and  his  son  Patrick,  Jr.,  the  latter 
"Refusal  ^\^q^  \^y  soldiers  in  a  raid  on  their  home  September 

28,  1920.  The  young  man  was  out  until  late  that 
evening,  getting  in  some  hay,  and  when  he  returned  the  raid  was 
already  in  progress.     The  father  deposed : 

Then  I  heard  the  order  of  "Hands  up!"  and  I  saw  my  son  coming 
in  the  door  with  his  hands  above  his  head.  The  soldiers  gathered  about 
him,  and  before  putting  any  question  to  him,  one  hit  him  with  the  butt 
end  of  the  rifle,  while  others  hit  him  with  their  fists  about  the  face. 
They  searched  him,  and  they  then  asked  him  his  name,  and  he  said 
Paddy  Nunan.  They  stopped  when  they  heard  his  name.  He  went 
from  the  kitchen  to  the  bedroom,  and  sat  down  on  the  bed  beside  his 
mother.  He  was  not  there  more  than  two  minutes  when  the  soldier 
who  had  already  threatened  me,  said,  "Take  that  young  fellow  outside 
the  door  and  shoot  him!"  This  order  was  hardly  given  when  three 
or  foUr  others  approached  him  and  told  him  to  come  on.  I  was  in  the 
room  at  the  time  this  order  was  given,  and  when  they  were  leading 
him  out  I  attempted  to  follow,  but  was  told  to  remain  where  I  was. 
He  was  not  far  from  the  door,  when  I  heard  the  reports  of  shots. 

At  this  point  the  son's  deposition  takes  up  the  narrative : 

"When  I  went  outside  the  door,  I  was  shot  in  the  right  hand.  The 
soldiers  were  standing  around  in  a  semi-circle,  and  I  had  walked  only 
five  or  six  yards  from  the  door  when  I  received  several  shots  in  the 


THE   BRIT  IS  II    CAMPAIGN    IX    IRI'.LAXD  27 

back  and  front  of  my  body.  I  fell  forward  on  my  face  and  hands. 
I  was  then  hit  on  the  jaw  with  something  hard.  They  turned  me  over 
on  my  back,  and  opened  my  coat  and  waistcoat.  One  of  them  said, 
"We  needn't  bother  with  him  any  more."  They  then  went  away,  and 
my  father  and  family  came  to  me,  and  I  was  carried  in  home. 

Mr.  Nunan,  Senior,  further  deposed  that  when  the  shooting 
occurred  some  soldiers  who  were  searching  the  house  called  out :  "Oh, 
King,  we  are  in  the  wrong  house."  They  then  departed.  Patrick,  Jr., 
included  in  his  deposition  a  report  issued  from  military  headquarters 
stating  that  he  was  shot  for  refusing  to  ohey  the  command  of  "Halt!"* 
from  soldiers  already  under  fire,  and  that  he  was  found  in  possession 
of  ammunition.     The  deponent  swears  this  statement  is  untrue. 

REPRISALS 

"Attempt  to  escape"  and  "refusal  to  halt"  are  used  by  the  Im- 
perial British  Government  in  explanation  of  the  killing  of  Irish  citizens, 
by  persons  directly  identified  as  members  of  the  Imperial  British  forces. 
In  other  cases,  where  the  identity  of  these  agents  of  outrage  against 
the  Irish  people  was  likewise  irrefutably  established,  we  encountered 
the  term  "reprisal,"  used  in  the  excusatory  sense  of  a  justifiable  re- 
taliation, spontaneously  carried  out,  by  members  of  the  Imperial  Brit- 
ish forces,  naturally  incensed  by  the  murder  of  a  cherished  comrade. 

Galway  had  been  quiet  before  this  date.     In  the 

police   barracks   were   some   fifty   constables   and  one  9*'^^*L^fP".f*' 

,    „,  ,  ,  -1       r  oept.  17,  1920 

Black  and  1  an  who  was  there  temporarily  from  an- 
other town  getting  a  motor  car  repaired.  Krumm  was  the  man's  name, 
and  he  was  described  to  us  by  former  Constable  John  Joseph  Caddan, 
vvho  was  stationed  there  at  the  time,  as  "a  reckless  fellow  who  drank  a 
lot."  Caddan  testified  that  on  the  night  in  question  Krumm  had  been 
drinking  heavily,  and  along  towards  midnight  he  strolled  down  to  the 
railway  station  announcing  that  he  would  be  back  presently  with  a 
fresh  bottle  of  whiskey.     He  was  in  plain  clothes. 

A  crowd  was  gathered  at  the  railway  station  at  that  time  waiting 
for   the   evening  papers   from   Cork.       Two   American   witnesses,   the 


*  Sir  Hamar  Greenwood  stated:  "In  reference  to  the  Dublin  Affair,  I  have 
received  a  telegraphic  report  to  the  effect  that  on  Saturday  evening:,  at  about 
a  quarter  past  five,  two  military  lorries  were  passing  down  Charlemont  St., 
near  Charlemont  Avenue,  in  Dublin,  when  a  group  of  five  or  six  young  men 
was  observed  to  run  away.  They  were  ordered  to  halt,  and  on  failing  to  do  so 
three  shots  were  fired.  I  deeply  regret  to  have  to  say  that,  as  a  result  of  the 
firing,  a  young  girl  named  Annie  O'Neill,  aged  8  years,  was  killed,  and  another 
girl,  named  Teresa  Kavanagh.  was  slightly  wounded.  The  loss  of  this  young 
innocert  life  is  deplorable,  but  I  hope  the  House  will  agree  with  me  in  the 
view   that  the   responsibility   does   not   rest  upon   the   soldiers. 

Lord  Henry  Cavendish-Bentinck:  Is  it  the  practice  to  fire  on  men  who  are 
running    away? 

Sir  Hamar  Greenwood:  Men  who  are  ordered  to  halt  and  do  not  halt  are 
fired  at."^November  15,  1920.  (Parliamentary  Debates,  House  of  Commons, 
Series    V,    Session    1920,    vol.    134,    col.    1506.) 


ION  COLLEGE  LIBRARY 
CHESTNUT  HILL,  MASS. 


THE  BRITISH  CAMPAIGN  IN  IRELAND  29 

Reverend  Dr.  James  H.  Cotter,  of  Ironton,  Ohio,  and  Mrs.  Agnes  B, 
King,  of  Ironton,  Ohio,  were  eye-witnesses  to  the  following  incident. 
In  the  words  of  Mrs.  King: 

There  was  a  man  on  the  platform  to  whom  I  paid  little 
attention.    He  wore  what  I  think  was  a  loose  cap.    He  did      Murder  of 
not  appear  to  me  to  be  a  regular  soldier,  nor  did  he  seem         nnamed 
to  be  the  customary  Black  and  Tan.    There  was  a  woman 
on  the  platform  with  three  or  four  children.     There  was  an   English 
officer,  and  there  were  many  civilians.     Suddenly  the  man  in  the  cap 
whipped    out    a    revolver.      He    was    standing    with    another    man    in 
ordinai-y  attire.     And  he  slashed  the  revolver  around  and  began  shoot- 
ing.   One  shot  hit  a  boy  in  the  leg.    That  boy  was  not  killed  instantly, 
but  fell  at  once.    He  later  died,  and  the  next  day  I  saw  him  in  death. 
Then    another   young    man   jumped    from    the   back   and 
caught  the  soldier  about  the  body,  so  that  he  had  only     ir-^]  f^^^ 
one   ha.nd   free.     And   then   a   fresh   shot  rang   out  and 
this  soldier,  or  whatever  he  was,  fell  to  the  ground. 

Rev.  Father  Cotter  gave  a  similar  account. 

Back  in  the  barracks  Constable  Caddan  had  gone  to  bed.  "The 
next  thing  I  knew,"  he  testified,  "one  of  the  constables  came  up  and 
gave  the  alarm,  and  said  one  of  the  constables  was  shot.  We  all  had 
to  get  up  and  dress  and  get  our  carbines.  There  were  about  fifty  men 
in  the  barracks,  and  they  ran  amok  then.  The  whole  fifty  came  out 
in  the  streets."     District  Inspector  Cruise  rushed  out  with  the  men. 

The  members  of  the  R.  I.  C.  proceeded  to  shoot  up  the  town,  to 
loot  public  houses,  to  burn  residences  and  smash  up  business  places, 
and  we  have  the  testimony  of  several  persons,  including  Constable 
Caddan,  that  they  took  three  men  from  their  homes  to  shoot  them. 
The  firing  squads  were  so  drunk  that  two  of  these  men  escaped  by 
promptly  falling  on  their  faces  when  the  order  to  fire  was  given. 

They  went  to  the  house  of  a  man  called  Broderick.  There  they 
found  an  old  woman,  about  70  years  of  age,  shut  her  in  a  small  room, 
poured  gasoline  in  the  room  and  set  fire  to  the  house.  The  woman 
was  rescued  by  neighbors. 

From  Broderick's  they  went  to  a  house  where  a  man  named  Quirk 
was  lodging.    He  was  taken  by  them  at  4  :30  A.  M.     Quirk  was  not  at 
the    station    when    the    original    shooting    occurred. 
Thomas  Nolan,  a  witness,  testified  that  he  was  walking  uj"-*"  i  *"  ° 

...  °  Quirk 

toward  the  station  with  Quirk  to  get  the  newspapers 
when  they  noticed  a  crowd  rushing  toward  them,  and  after  they  were 
informed  that  there  had  been  shooting  they  immediately  went  home. 
Nolan  bade  Quirk  good  night  at  12 :10  and  at  7  the  next  morning  he  saw 
him  lying  at  his  home,  with  seven  bullet  wounds  through  his  stomach. 
The  further  testimony  of  former  Constable  Caddan  is  as  follows : 

The  next  day  a  British  general  came  down  and 

spoke  to  us  in  the  Day  Room.     He  had  two  motor  Murderers 

lorries  of  soldiers  there  to  guard  him.     He  had  two  Commended 

other  officers  with  him.       The  county  inspector  was  there  and  two 


30  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

district  inspectors  and  all  the  men  in  the  barracks  were  there.  And 
he  started  to  talk  about  this  business.  He  said,  "This  country  is 
ruled  by  gunmen,  and  they  must  be  put  down."  He  talked  about 
giving  home  rule  to  Ireland,  and  he  said  home  rule  could  not  be  given 
until  all  of  these  gunmen  were  put  down,  and  he  called  on  the  R.  I.  C. 
to  put  them  down.  He  asked  them  what  they  required  in  the  barracks, 
and  said  that  whatever  they  wanted  he  would  give  them,  and  that 
they  were  also  going  to  get  a  raise  in  pay.  And  they  said  they  needed 
machine  guns,  and  h<i  said  that  they  would  get  them,  and  also  tanks 
and  more  men,  men  who  had  been  in  the  army  during  the  war  and  who 
knew  how  to  shoot  to  kill;  and  he  said  they  would  be  the  right  men 
in  the  right  place. 

An  aftermath  of  this  incident  was  the  killing  of  Walsh,  an  urban 
Councillor  of  Galway,  one  of  a  considerable  number  of  elected  officials 
of   Republican   sympathies  on  v^^hose  killing  we  have 
Murder  of  direct  testimony.     Walsh  was  killed  in  the  middle  of 

Councillor  October.     He  was   the  proprietor  of  a  public  house. 

He  was  the  father  of  eight  small  children.  Five  men 
in  civilian  clothes,  supposed  to  be  Black  and  Tans,  entered  his  public 
house  about  10  o'clock  at  night,  ordered  the  crowd  out  and  announced 
to  Walsh  that  he  would  be  a  dead  man  within  an  hour.  He  asked 
permission  to  summon  a  priest  and  their  leader  replied :  "To  hell  with 
the  priest !"  Then  they  look  him  out  and  his  body  was  found  floating 
in  the  harbor  the  next  morning.  No  motive  for  this  crime,  except  the 
Republican  connections  of  the  victim,  could  be  discovered.  Two  wit- 
nesses. Miss  Nellie  Craven  of  Washington,  U.  C,  a  cousin  of  Walsh's, 
who  had  been  visiting  relations  in  Galway,  and  Thomas  Nolan,  who  had 
been  sleeping  at  W'alsh's  house,  and  was  present  when  the  armed  men 
entered  his  establishment,  gave  testimony  on  this  affair. 

When  Balbriggan  was  shot  up  and  burned  in  reprisal  for  the  killing 

of  a  sergeant,  in  a  drunken  brawl,  on  the  night  of  September  20,  1920, 

two  men,  James  Lawless  and  John  Gibbons,  were  taken 

Balbrisrgan:  from  their  homes   to   the  police  barracks,  and  after 

Murder  of  being  held  there  through  the  night,  and  subjected  to 

Uibbons  and  *  *  i  i        i  r 

Lawless  repeated  threats,  were  finally  bayoneted  to  death  at  5 

o'clock  in  the  morning,  their  bodies  being  left  on  the 
principal  street.  L^ban  Councillor  John  Derham,  who  gave  testimony 
on  this  affair,  saw  the  bodies  early  in  the  morning.  His  own  house  was 
burned  down,  and  one  of  his  sons,  who  had  been  beaten  until  he  was 
unconscious  by  the  raiding  party,  was  left  inside  when  the  house  was 
set  fire  to.  The  young  man  recovered  consciousness  in  time  to  crawl 
to  safety.  Virtually  the  whole  population  of  Balbriggan  was  driven 
to  take  refuge  in  the  open  fields.  Councillor  Derham  testified  that  three 
old  people  and  two  children  subsequently  died  as  the  result  of  terror 
and  exposure. 


32  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

On  November  21  fourteen  officers  of  the  Imperial  British  forces 

were  assassinated  under  conditions  hereafter  to  be  referred  to  in  Dublin 

hotels    and    boarding    houses.      That    afternoon    the 

Croke  Park  Croke    Park   reprisal   occurred.     Mr.    Nolan   testified 

Not.  21,  1920  ,,      ,     ,  r     o  rv/-irv  <• 

that  he  was  one  of  8,CXXJ  persons  present  at  a  foot- 
ball match  at  Croke  Park,  Dublin,  on  November  21,  1920,  when  the 
Imperial  British  forces  surrounded  the  field,  and,  without  provocation 
or  warning,  fired  with  rifles  and  machine  guns  among  the  spectators, 
killing  ten  men,  one  woman,  and  three  children  and  wounding  about 
62  others;  200  more  were  injured  in  the  resulting  panic.  The  firing 
lasted  ten  or  twelve  minutes.  He  saw  the  Imperial  British  forces  fire 
and  rush  and  fire.  And  he  saw  the  slain  and  wounded  players  and 
spectators  fall.  No  shot  was  fired  from  the  crowd  either  before  or 
after  the  massacre  and  no  member  of  the  Imperial  British  forces  was 
injured,* 

The  evidence  would  seem  to  show  that  the  term  "reprisal"  may  be 
used  to  cover  any  case  in  which  wholesale  damage  is  inflicted  upon 
property  or  life  in  Ireland.  Reprisals  consist  some- 
^^**  }^  y,^  times  in  promiscuous  killing  of  unarmed  men,  women 

eprisa     .  ^^^  children,  as  in  the  case  of  the  football  crowd  at 

Croke  Park;  but,  usually,  in  the  burning,  looting  and  "shooting  up"  of 
Irish  towns,  such  as  Thurles,  Balbriggan,  Galway,  Mallow,  Templemore, 
Cork,  Tuam,  Hospital,  Limerick,  Granard,  Tubercurry,  Achenry,  Tip- 
perary,  Ballylorby,  and  scores  more. 

In  Mallow  barracks  were  a  troop  of  the  Seventeenth  Lancers  and  a 

detachment  of  the  Black  and  Tans.     Mr.  Dempsey,  the  Chairman  of 

the  Urban  Council  of  that  city,  testified  that  on  Sep- 

Mallow  temper  27,  1920,  Irish  Republicans  raided  the  barracks : 

To  my  knowledge,  in  the  actual  raid  on  the  barracks  there  was  no 
person  from  Mallow,  with  the  possible  exception  of  one  or  two.  About 
25  of  them  held  up  the  barracks,  and  about  25  more  kept  a  lookout 
and  waited  for  them  in  automobiles.  They  did  this  while  a  number  of 
the  men  were  out  with  their  horses  exercising  them  outside  of  the 
town.     So  the  raiding  party  surprised  them  and  held  them  up  and  com- 


*  Major  Barnes  (House  of  Commons,  24th  November,  1920)  asked  the  Chief 
Secretary  for  Ireland  what  were  the  total  deaths,  men,  women,  and  children, 
respectively,  occasioned  by  firing  on  the  crowd  at  the  Croke  Park  football 
ground  on  the  21st  of  November;  how  many  men,  women  and  children,  respec- 
tively, v/ere  wounded;  whether  a  child  was  bayonetted;  whether  the  military 
and  auxiliary  police  suffered  any  casualties;  and,  if  so,  what  were  the  num- 
ber   of   dead    and    wounded,    respectively? 

Sir  H.  Greenwood:  Ten  men,  one  woman,  and  three  children  (under  14) 
wer^  killed,  or  have  died  as  the  result  of  their  injuries.  These  figures  in- 
clude the  case  of  a  woman  who  was  crushed  to  death  and  of  a  man  who  ap- 
parently died  from  shock.  Twelve  men  have  been  detained  in  hospital  for 
treatment  of  wounds  and  injuries.  Fifty  persons  were  treated  in  hospital,  but 
not  detained.  I  have  no  information  as  to  how  many  of  these  cases  were 
those  of  men,  women  or  children,  respectively.  No  child  was  bayonetted.  There 
were  no  police  or  mU'^ary  casualties."     (Loc.  cit.,  vol.  135,  cols.  453,  457.) 


THE  BRITISH  CAMPAIGN  IN  IRELAND  33 

pelled  them  to  hold  up  their  hands,  with  the  exception  of  five  or  six — 
they  were  not  in  the  barracks'  square  at  the  time.  These  five  or  six 
ran  out  with  rifles  and  revolvers  and  began  firing  with  the  result  that 
in  the  melee,  the  sergeant-major,  who  wasn't  in  the  barracks,  and  who 
was  out  with  the  other  men,  was  shot,  unfortunately.  They  took  all 
the  arms  they  had  on  them  and  all  the  arms  in  the  barracks,  and  they 
sent  out  for  a  doctor  and  a  priest  for  this  man  who  was  injured. 

And  the  Republicans  departed  without  burning  the  barracks  or 
taking  prisoners.     In  Mallow  Town : 

Everybody  knew  what  was  coming,  from  what  had  happened  in 
other  towns.  The  senior  officer  at  Buttevant  is  in  charge  of  the  dis- 
trict that  Mallow  is  in.  He  and  some  officers  came  to  Mallow  by 
motor  immediately  to  see  what  had  happened.  The  three  ministers  of 
the  town  waited  on  this  colonel,  and  they  asked  for  protection  of  the 
town  from  any  reprisals.  The  officer  in  charge  of  the  troops  gave  a 
guarantee  that  no  reprisals  would  take  place.  He  gave  a  guarantee 
to  the  Roman  Catholic  priest,  to  the  Protestant  Rector,  Canon  Her- 
mon,  and  the  Presbyterian  Minister,  Reverend  W.  Baker.  I  forgot  to 
mention  that  the  clergymen  in  consultation  had  also  wired  General 
Macready,  who  was  commander  of  the  forces  in  Ireland  at  this  time. 

About  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  an  aeroplane  came  from 
Fermoy,  the  second  largest  military  station  in  Ireland,  and  dropped 
a  communication  in  the  barrack  yard.  After  that  it  flew  to  Butte- 
vant, and  then  flew  back  to  Fermoy.  We  concluded  in  the  town  that 
it  was  some  sort  of  agreement  between  the  forces. 

About  half-past  ten  a  lorry  of  troops  arrived  in  Mallow  from 
Buttevant,  and  about  five  minutes  after  two  more  lorries  arrived  with 
troops  from  Fermoy.  Fermoy  is  about  sixteen  miles  east  of  Mallow 
and  Buttevant  about  seven  miles  north. 

The  first  thing  they  did  was  to  fire  revolver  and  rifle  shots  and 
scream  and  fire  around  the  town.  The  first  thing  after  that  they  did 
was  to  raid  some  of  the  public  houses  and  loot  them  and  get  drunk. 
And  then  they  marched  to  the  town  hall,  the  seat  of  the  town  council. 
It  was  a  fine  old  building — about  150  years  old.  The  stairways  of  the 
hall  and  the  doors  and  the  ceilings,  of  course,  were  all  timber.  They 
were  sprinkled  all  over  with  petrol,  and  some  incendiary  bombs  thrown 
into  it,  and  it  was  all  set  afire. 

In  the  Mallow  "reprisal"  the  soldier  killed  was  not  assassinated 
or  "ambushed,"  but  was  shot  in  the  course  of  a  raid  for  arms,  after 
he  had  attempted  to  shoot  members  of  the  attacking  force.  The 
Republican  forces  that  conducted  the  raid  were  not  residents  of  Mallow. 
The  citizens  of  the  town  appealed  to  the  Imperial  High  Command  at 
Dublin  and  to  the  competent  local  military  authority  for  protection; 
and  a  deputation  was  assured  by  the  officer  in  command  of  the  district 
that  they  would  receive  protection.  The  burning  and  sacking  of  the 
town  did  not  take  place  while  the  soldiers  were  in  a  fever  of  passion 
aroused  by  the  sight  of  their  dead  comrade,  but  many  hours  after  his 
death.  Furthermore,  the  burning  of  the  town  was  carried  out,  not  by 
the  troops  of  the  local  barracks,  only  a  small  number  of  whom  partici- 
pated, but  by  soldiers  who  came  in  lorries  from  Fermoy  and  Buttevant, 
many  miles  distant.     Finally,  the  numerous  circumstances,  such  as  the 


EXHIBIT    11 


Wide    World    Phutr 


THE  TOWN  HALL  OF  MALLOW,  BURNED  BY  IMPERIAL  BRITISH  FORCES 
USING    INCENDIARY    BOMBS    AND    GASOLINE    SPRAYS. 


rHE  BRITISH   CAMPAIGN   IN   IRELAND  35 

dropping  of  messages  at  Mallow  and  Butte vant  by  an  aeroplane  sent 
out  from  headquarters  at  Fermoy,  the  complete  equipment  of  the 
lorries  with  incendiary  bombs  and  gasoline  sprays,  and  the  simultaneous 
arrival  of  the  lorries  from  distant  parts,  all  indicate  that  the  burning 
and  sacking  of  this  town  was  planned  in  cold  blood  and  executed  with 
full  knowledge  of  the  military  authorities  in  command  of  the  Imperial 
forces.  The  term  "reprisal"  would  seem  to  us  to  connote,  sometimes, 
a  retaliation  appropriate  neither  in  kind  nor  in  degree. 

It  appears  that  the  town  or  village  doomed  to  "reprisal"  was 
usually  the  actual  seat  of  an  attack  upon  a  member  of  the  British 
forces,  as  in  the  case  of  Gal  way,  Balbriggan  and  Mallow.  But  the 
source  of  the  reprisal  at  Tipperary  on  November  1,  1920,  seems  to  have 
been  an  ambush  at  Thomastown  six  miles  away.  In  another  instance  no 
known  attack  was  said  to  have  been  made  on  the  British  forces  within 
a  radius  of  20  miles  of  the  reprisal.  In  such  cases  the  use  of  the  term 
"reprisal"  would  seem  to  extend  to  anticipatory  retaliation. 

Testimony  has  been  submitted  to  us  which  purports  to  show  that 
during  1917  Imperial  British  forces  perpetrated  in  Ireland  7  murders, 
18  armed  assaults  on  unarmed  men,  and  11  raids  on  private  houses; 
arrested  349  civilians,  court-martialed  36,  and  deported  24 ;  forcibly 
dispersed  2  public  meetings ;  and  suppressed  3  newspapers. 

During  the  year  1917  the  testimony  shows  that  not  a  single  member 
of  the  Imperial  British  forces  was  slain  in  Ireland,  except  a  member 
of  the  R.  I.  C.  who  was  struck  while  leading  a  baton  charge  and  after- 
wards died  of  his  injury.  In  1917  the  Irish  citizens  are  alleged  to  have 
endured  450  outrages,  including  7  murders,  and  refrained  from  re- 
taliation. -V  -^   ,. 

Testimony  before  us  further  purports  to  show  that  in  1918  Im- 
perial British  forces  perpetrated  in  Ireland  6  murders,  61  armed 
assaults  on  unarmed  civilians  and  60  raids  on  private  houses ;  arrested 
1,107,  court-martialed  62,  and  deported  91;  proclaimed  and  broke  up 
by  baton  and  bayonet  32  public  assemblies ;  and  suppressed  12  news- 
papers. In  1918,  Irish  citizens  are  alleged  to  have  endured  1,651  out- 
rages. No  officer  of  the  Imperial  British  forces,  "policeman"  or  sol- 
dier, was  killed  in  retaliation. 

During  this  period,  free  speech  and  civil  liberty  seem  to  have 
been  practically  suspended  in  Ireland.  The  perpetrators  of  the  out- 
rages upon  the  people  apparently  went  unpunished,  even  the  murderers. 
The  whole  force  of  the  Irish  Republic  seems  to  have  been  directed 
towards  constraining  the  Irish  people  to  endure  in  patience  the  increas- 
ing terrorism  to  which  they  were  subjected  by  the  Imperial  British 
forces.  Miss  MacSwiney  testified  both  to  the  increasing  vigor  of 
British  repression  and  to  these  efiforts  of  the  Irish  leaders  to  persuade 
the  citizenry  to  patient  endurance.  During  1919  the  Imperial  British 
forces  are  alleged  to  have  sacked  and  burned  four  towns,  perpetrated 


THE  BRITISH  CAMPAIGN  IN   IRELAND  37 

8  murders,  476  armed  assaults  on  unarmed  civilians,  and  13,782  raids 
on  private  houses;  arrested  959  men,  women  and  children,  court-mar- 
tialed 309,  and  deported  20;  dispersed  959  public  meetings;  and  sup- 
pressed 25  new^spapers. 

During  1919,  the  Irish  citizens  began  to  defend  themselves  against 
the  Imperial  British  forces.  The  evidence  would  show  that  those 
assassinated  were  popularly  believed  to  be  spies  or  other  special  instru- 
ments of  the  British  terror. 

During  1919,  the  British  "reprisal"  policy  was  instituted.  It  de- 
monstrably consisted  in  an  acute  intensification  of  the  already  long  pre- 
vailing British  terror.  That  terror  was  not  initiated  by  the  assassination 
of  British  military,  was  not  confined  to  areas  in  which  these  assassi- 
nations occurred,  and  was  not  absent  from  areas  where  there  had  been 
no  assassinations.  It  was,  therefore,  not  in  the  nature  of  a  retaliation, 
either  justifiable  or  unjustifiable,  on  the  part  of  the  party  first  attacked. 
The  official  use  of  the  term  "reprisal"  would  consequently  seem  to  us 
the  stereotyped  ruse  de  guerre,  intended  to  lead  the  British  and  other 
people  into  condoning  an  aggravation  of  the  Imperial  British  terrorism 
in  Ireland. 

"  SINN  FEIN  EXTREMISTS  " 

In  the  campaign  of  murder  and  arson  in  Ireland,  "shot  trying  to 
escape,"  "refusal  to  halt,"  and  "reprisals,"  have  appeared  to  us  as 
termes  justificatifs  employed  by  the  Imperial  British  authority.  An  ex- 
culpatory term,  "Sinn  Fein  Extremist,"  was  also  presented  to  us  in  the 
course  of  the  evidence.  We  first  noted  the  term  "Sinn  Fein  Extremist" 
in  the  testimony  of  the  assassination  of  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain,  and 
so  far  as  we  could  discover  the  term  first  received  its  British  connota- 
tion in  connection  with  that  crime. 

The  Misses  Walsh,  sisters-in-law  of  the  Lord  Mayor,  and  members 
of  his  household  when  he  was  assassinated,  appeared  before  us.  The 
story  of   the  murder   was   told  as    follows  by   Miss  Lord  Mayor 

Susanna  Walsh:  MacCurtain 

There  was  a  slight  knock  at  the  door  about  one  o'clock  or  quarter 
past  one.  Mrs.  MacCurtain  heard  it,  and  she  put  her  head  out  of  the 
window  and  called  to  find  out  what  they  wanted.  They  said:  "Open 
the  house  quickly  or  we  will  break  the  door  in."  Mrs.  MacCurtain 
wanted  to  go  down.  He  said:  "I  will  go,  Mary."  She  said:  "No,  you 
mustn't.  I  will  go  down."  But  before  she  could  get  down  to  the 
door,  it  was  burst  in.  Eight  or  nine  men  rushed  in,  with  blackened 
faces  and  long  coats,  and  caught  her.  Several  of  them  held  her,  and 
the  rest  rushed  upstairs.  At  the  same  time — I  had  a  little  red  coat 
I  used  to  throw  over  me,  and  I  went  out  to  the  top  of  the  landing. 
I  heard  the  noise  downstairs,  and  I  heard  the  baby  cry,  and  I  ran 
downstairs  to  take  the  baby,  for  I  knew  that  my  brother-in-law  would 
be  in  a  terrible  way.  I  arrived  at  the  first  landing  just  as  two  big 
men  with  blackened  faces  and  big  coats  on  them  got  to  his  door.  And 
I  heard  the  first  man  say,  "Come  out,  Curtain!"     And  my  brother-in- 


38  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

law  said,  "Give  me  time  to  dress.  I  am  not  yet  ready."  When  my 
brother-in-law  said,  "Give  me  time  to  dress,"  I  said,  "Give  me  the 
baby,  please."  And  they  pushed  me  back.  And  I  ran  back  to  the 
bathrooiB,  and  I  heard  my  sister  shout,  "Murder,  murder,  the  police 
are  murdering  us  all."  And  a  neighbor  woman  who  lives  next  door 
said,  "Who  is  shot?"  And  I  said,  "My  brother-in-law,  MacCurtain." 
I  rushed  upstairs.  I  thought  I  would  die  with  all  of  them.  And  as 
I  went  upstairs  I  heard  heavy  moaning  in  the  corner,  and  I  looked, 
and  my  brother-in-law  lay  just  outside  his  bedroom  door  with  blood 
coming  from  the  region  of  his  heart. 

Mrs.  MacCurtain  called  for  help  from  the  windows  and  immedi- 
ately the  house  was  fired  on  from  the  street.  The  disguised  raiders 
then  disappeared.  Shortly  afterwards,  armed  British  soldiers,  uni- 
formed and  undisguised,  made  a  supplementary  raid  on  the  house, 
but  the  Lord  Mayor  was  already  dead  and  laid  out  for  burial. 

Thomas  MacCurtain,  Lord  Mayor  of  the  City  of  Cork,  was  a  suc- 
cessful young  business  man.  He  had  five  children,  the  oldest  ten  years. 
and  he  supported  three  orphan  nieces  and  an  aged  father.  Several 
witnesses  have  testified  to  the  high  personal  regard  for  bim  among 
people  of  all  classes  in  Cork,  in  his  funeral  procession  marched  the 
local  Protestant  Episcopal  Bishop,  the  Jewish  rabbi,  and  clergymen  rep- 
resenting the  other  local  religious  organizations,  as  well  as  thousands 
representing  every  phase  of  the  Republican  movement  in  Cork.  A  few 
days  before  his  death,  the  Lord  Mayor  had  protested  in  the  City  Council 
against  the  terrorization  of  women  and  children  by  the  British  military 
and  police,  and  declared  that  the  Irish  Volunteers  would  preserve  order. 

In  the  months  preceding  his  death  his  home  and  business  premises 
had  been  raided  by  the  military  or  police  several  times.  On  one  of 
these  occasions  the  raiders  made  a  thorough  search  of  Mrs.  MacCur- 
tain's  room,  three  days  before  one  of  her  children  was  born  and  a  few 
days  after  the  burial  of  another.  It  was  alleged  before  us  that  rumors 
were  prevalent  in  Cork  that  the  Lord  Mayor  was  to  be  killed  by  the 
police.  On  March  16.  four  days  before  the  murder  occurred,  Denis 
Morgan,  Chairman  of  the  Urban  Council  of  Thurles,  then  in  Worm- 
wood Scrubbs  Prison,  London,  heard  that  MacCurtain  "had  been  sen- 
tenced to  death  by  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary." 

After  the  death  of  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain  the  British  Adminis- 
tration in  Ireland  announced  that  he  had  been  killed  by  "Sinn  Fein 
Extremists."  We  can  discover  no  basis  for  this  statement.  Testimony 
was  presented  to  us  that  at  the  inquest  the  British  authorities  responsi- 
ble for  this  charge  were  directly  challenged  to  produce  any  evidence  of 
the  participation  of  "extremists"  in  the  crime.  No  such  evidence  was 
produced  nor  was  the  charge  officially  repeated  thereafter.  Neverthe- 
less, it  persisted  in  the  press  while  public  indignation  was  at  its  highest 
pitch.  Our  record  shows  that  at  the  inquest  a  great  mass  of  evidence 
was  introduced  attaching  the  responsibility  for  the  crime  to  the  "police." 


THE  BRITISH   CAMPAIGN    IN   IRELAND  39 

The  Coroner's  jury  held  certain  British  officials,   including  Inspector 
Swanzy,  responsible   for  Lord  Mayor   MacCurtain's  death. 

Miss  Susanna  Walsh  testified  that  the  home  of  Lord  Mayor  Mac- 
Curtain's  widow  had  been  raided  by  Imperial  British  Forces  twenty 
times  since  the  murder.  Your  Commission  had  occasion  to  call  the  at- 
tention of  the  British  Ambassador  at  Washington  to  one  of  these  raids, 
in  which  Mrs.  MacCurtain  was  reported  to  have  been  shot  at,  and 
which  occurred  a  few  days  after  we  had  cabled  to  her  an  invitation  to 
testify  before  us. 

While  we  were  sitting,  a  priest  named  Father  Griffin  was  mentioned 
in  testimony  as  the  possessor  of  a  great  deal  of  evidence  regarding 
atrocities  committed  by  British  forces.      A  few  days 
later  he  disappeared ;  and  his  body  was  subsequently  n^^a^*^ 

found  in  a  bog.  Death  had  apparently  resulted  from 
bullet  wounds.  During  interpellations  in  the  British  Parliament, 
brought  to  our  notice  concerning  this  murder,  the  British  press  reported 
that  Sir  Hamar  Greenwood,  hesitating  for  a  reply,  was  prompted  by 
a  whisper,  "Say  the  Sinn  Feiners  did  it,"  loud  enough  to  be  heard  in 
the  press  gallery.  According  to  the  newspaper  accounts  this  prompting 
whisper  came  either  from  Mr.  Winston  Churchill,  or.  according  to  the 
correspondent  of  the  Nciv  Statesuian,  London,  from  Premier  Lloyd 
George. 

The  phrase  "Sinn  Fein  Extremists"  casts  doubt  on  the  loyalty  of  the 
deceased  to  the  Irish  Republic,  and  in  the  Republican  view  contains  an 
aspersion  on  his  memory.  It  tends  to  make  Irish  Re- 
publicans suspicious  one  of  another.  It  was  invoked  "  remis  s 
in  the  murder  of  a  Republican  Lord  Mayor  and  of  a  Republican  priest. 
It  was  also  invoked  in  the  burning  of  Cork.  The  attention  of  the  Com- 
mission was  called  by  several  witnesses  to  the  persistent  efforts  of  offi- 
cials of  His  Britannic  Majesty's  Government  to  create  the  impression, 
without  the  offer  of  evidence,  that  citizens  of  Cork  had  burned  their 
own  city. 

Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan  testified,  in  effect:  On  the  night  of  De- 
cember 11,  1920,  by  the  military  curfew  law  Cork  citizens  were  forbidden 
to  be  out  of  doors,  without  military  permission,  be- 
tween the  hours  of  10  P.M.  and  3  A.M.  About  9  P.M.  Destruction 
the  streets  were  cleared  by  shots  from  the  British  mili- 
tary. The  fires  began  at  several  points  about  10  P.M.  in  the  main  thor- 
oughfare of  the  city.  At  3  A.M.  another  fire  was  started  in  the  City  Hall, 
separated  by  the  River  Lee  from  the  10  P.  M.  conflagrations.  Previous 
attempts  had  been  made  to  fire  the  city.  During  the  night  in  question 
military  trucks  filled  with  soldiers  patroled  the  deserted  burning  streets. 
The  fire  brigade  deposed  that  they  were  shot  at  while  attempting  to 
extinguish  the  flames.  Exclusive  of  the  area  of  the  City  Hall  fire, 
about  one  square  mile  of  the  city  was  burned  out.     The  loss  was  esti- 


THE  BRITISH  CAMPAIGN  IN  IRELAND  41 

mated  at  $20,000,000.  Besides  the  business  premises,  and  the  seat  of 
the  Republican  administration  with  its  records,  all  the  premises  of  the 
Republican  political   organization   were   destroyed. 

It  may  be  noted  that  in  his  testimony  before  us  Lord  Mayor 
O'Callaghan  definitely  charged  the  burning  of  that  city  to  the  Imperial 
British  forces,  but  did  not  offer  direct  proof  to  establish  this  charge. 
He  placed  in  evidence  an  attested  copy  of  the  following  telegram  sent 
by  him  together  with  Messrs.  Walsh  and  De  Roiste,  Members  of  the 
Dail  Eirann,  to  Sir  Hamar  Greenwood,  Lord  R.  Cecil,  Messrs.  Asquith 
and  Henderson,  and  Commander  Kenworthy : 

On  behalf  of  the  whole  citizens,  we  absolutely  and  most  empha- 
tically repudiate  the  vile  suggestion  that  Cork  city  was  burned  by  any 
action  of  the  citizens.  In  the  name  of  truth,  justice  and  civilization, 
we  demand  an  impartial  civilian  inquiry  into  the  circumstances  of  the 
city's  destruction. 

We  are  quite  willing  to  submit  evidence  before  any  international 
tribunal,  or  even  a  tribunal  of  Englishmen  like  Bentinck,  Henderson, 
Kenworthy  and  Cecil. 
Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan  further  testified : 

That  demand  for  an  impartial  inquiry  was  supported  by  the  Cork 
Chamber  of  Commerce,  which,  as  I  told  you  a  short  time  ago,  had 
already  wired  to  Sir  Hamar  Greenwood,  Imperial  Chief  Secretary  for 
Ireland,  and  had  asked  for  protection  for  their  property.  Up  to  then 
the  demand  for  protection  had  only  resulted  in  increasing  the  incen- 
diarism, and  they  sent  the  following  wire : 

"The  Cork  Incorporated  Chamber  of  Commerce  and  Shipping 
express  their  astonishment  at  the  statements  made  by  you  in  the  House 
of  Commons  with  reference  to  the  destruction  of  Cork.  We  demand 
that,  as  Chief  Secretary,  you  make  personal  investigation  on  the  spot 
of  the  true  facts,  when  incontrovertible  evidence  will  be  placed  before 
you,  and  that  a  judicial  commission  of  inquiry  be  set  up  without  delay. 
We  claim  that  all  damage  be  made  good  out  of  government  funds. 

"The  Chamber  begs  to  draw  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  on 
November  29th  they  wired  you  with  reference  to  incendiary  fires  oc- 
curring in  Cork,  and  requested  immediate  protection  for  citizens' 
property,  to  which  telegram  no  reply  was  made  by  you. 

"(Signed)      Danckert,   Honorable   Secretary." 

That  was  also  adopted  by  the  Cork  Harbor  Board,  on  the  motion 
of  Mr.  Benjamin  Haughton,  one  of  the  Unionist  members  of  the 
Board;  and  by  the  Cork  Employers'  Federation. 

The  Imperial  British  Government  ordered  an  inquiry  to  be  held, 
presided  over  by  Major-General  Strickland,  in  Cork,  who  was  the 
officer  commanding  in  Cork.  Major-General  Strickland  duly  reported 
to  the  Imperial  British  Government.  His  report  was  suppressed  by 
that  government. 

Your  Commission  had  submitted  to  it  copies  of  the  reports  of  the 
British  Labor  Commission  and  of  the  Irish  Labor  Commission,  both  of 
which  bodies,  having  made  a  direct  and  searching  investigation,  con- 
cluded that  the  forces  of  the  Crown  were  guilty  of  the  destruction  of 


THE   BKiriSH   CAMPAIGN   IN   IRELAND  43 

Cork.  The  conclusions  of  these  two  commissions  as  to  the  guilt  of  the 
Crown  forces  and  the  responsibility  of  the  British  Government  ap- 
pear to  us  to  be  given  greater  weight  by  the  refusal  of  the  British 
Government  to  permit  a  civil  inquiry,  by  the  secrecy  with  which  the 
military  inquiry  of  General  Strickland  was  conducted,  by  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  report  of  General  Strickland,  and  by  the  admission  in  the 
House  of  Commons  of  Sir  Hamar  Greenwood,  Chief  Secretary  for 
Ireland,  that  certain  Black  and  Tans  had  been  mildly  disciplined  for  the 
part  they  were  shown  l)y  the  Strickland  report  to  have  had  in  the  burn- 
ing of  Cork. 

"Sinn  Fein  Extremist"  would  seem  to  be  a  term  used  exclusivelx' 
by  the  British.  The  term  is  sometimes  employed  by  them  to  connote 
murderers,  and  incendiaries,  engaged  in  the  destruction  of  the  lives 
and  property  of  Irish  Republicans.  In  the  case  of  the  murder  of  Lord 
Mayor  MacCurtain,  a  British-summoned  coroner's  jury  charged  cer- 
tain agents  of  the  Imperial  British  Government  with  the  crime;  and  m 
the  case  of  the  burning  of  Cork,  General  Strickland's  military  tribunal 
apparently  found  certain  Black  and  Tans  were  culpable ;  though  in 
both  cases  members  of  the  Imperial  British  Government  had  averred 
that  the  guilty  parties  were  "Sinn  Fein  Extremists."  We  would  depre- 
cate the  use  of  the  term  "Sinn  Fein  Extremist"  by  responsible  ministers 
of  the  Imperial  British  Government. 

Selected  Irish  Republicans  would  appear  to  have  been  murdered, 
singly  and  in  numbers,  surreptitiously  and  publicly.  In  domiciliary 
murders,  without  notoriety,  silence  followed.  When  the  position  or 
profession  of  the  victim  made  silence  impracticable,  the  British-made 
"Sinn  Fein  Extremist"  was  invoked.  When  the  victim  was  in  British 
custody,  the  Ley  dc  Fuga  acted.  And  wholesale  slaying  and  destruc- 
tion were  justified  by  the  British  "reprisals." 

Besides  the  slaying  of  selected  Republican  citizens,  and  the  destruc- 
tion of   Republican  cities,  towns  and  villages,   indiscriminate   violence 
also  occurred.     Miss  Ellen  Wilkinson  of  Manchester, 
England,  was  an  eye-witness  of  a  shooting  expedition,       indiscriminate 
to  which  she  testified  as  follows : 

Curfew  was  at  ten  o'clock.  We  went  to  our  room.  According 
to  law  no  one  is  supposed  to  have  a  light  or  look  out  of  the  window. 
But  we  turned  our  lights  out  and  wrapped  ourselves  up  and  went  to 
the  window.  First  oi  all  there  came  the  soldiers  in  extended  forma- 
tion, each  wearing  tin  helmets — the  shrapnel  helmets — and  carrying 
guns  with  fixed  bayonets.  And  then  came  three  armored  cars  packed 
with  soldiers.  .  .  .  They  went  on  by  and  when  they  came  back  they 
fired  into  the  houses  at  a  certain  level.  We  saw  the  bullet  marks 
next  morning.  That,  of  course,  is  a  terrible  thing.  Many  people 
have  been  killed  on  account  of  this  indiscriminate  firing  from  motor 
lorries.  ...    It  lasted  from  ten  till  three. 


44  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

Mrs.  Agnes  B.  King,  of  Ironton,  Ohio,  testified  to  the  use  of 
searchlights  by  the  Imperial  British  Forces,  in  a  similar  shooting  ex- 
pedition witnessed  by  her. 

It  would  appear  that  the  Imperial  British  Forces,  in  organized 
bodies,  on  certain  occasions,  testified  to  before  us,  have  engaged  in  in- 
discriminate shooting  of  the  non-combatant  Irish  people  in  their  homes 
at  night. 

WHERE  THE  RESPONSIBILITY  LIES 

It  was  testified  before  us  that  coroner's  juries,  summoned  by  the 
Imperial  Administration  in  Ireland,  found  that  Thomas  Dwyer  of  Ragg, 
James  McCarthy,  Patrick  Lynch  and  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain  were 
murdered  by  the  members  of  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary;  John  A. 
Lynch  and  the  Buckley  youth  are  alleged  to  have  been  assassinated  by 
the  military.  It  was  deposed  that  in  the  case  of  Nunan  the  attempt  to 
murder  was  made  at  the  order  of  an  Imperial  British  soldier ;  and  that 
in  the  case  of  the  Buckley  youth  an  officer  of  His  Majesty's  regiment 
of  Cameron  Highlanders  was  in  command  of  the  party.  Most  of  the 
other  murders  including  the  Croke  Park  massacre  were  attributed  to 
"police"'  or  Black  and  Tans. 

Your  Commission  has  been  impressed  by  the  fact  that  ordinary  civil 
processes  early  ceased  to  be  invoked  by  British  authority  in  the  investi- 
gation of  surreptitious  and  public  assassination  of 
Tribunals  Irish  citizens  by  agents  of,  or  members  of,  the  Im- 

perial British  forces,  officers  and  men,  disguised  or  wearing  His 
Majesty's  uniform;  and  that  such  investigation  was  relegated  to  speci- 
ally formed  military  tribunals,  sitting  usually  in  secret.*  The  British 
military  seem  to  have  been  at  the  same  time  prosecutor,  judge,  jury 
— and  accused. 

The  testimony  shows  that  the  Imperial  British  authorities  in  cases 
such  as  the  burning  and  slaying  in  Balbriggan,  Thurles,  Galway, 
Mallow  and  other  Irish  towns,  have  abstained  from  punishing  the 
forces  engaged  on  the  alleged  ground  that  the  actual  criminals  could 


*  Lord  R.  Cecil  (House  of  Commons,  1st  November,  1920):  When  my  right 
hon.  Friend  speaks  of  inquiries,  are  these  inquiries  made  in  private  or  public? 

Sir  H.  Greenwood:  Some  inquiries  are  made  in  private  and  some  in  public. 
My  own  experience  in  Ireland  is  that  the  most  effective  inquiry  is  made  in 
private. 

Mr.  Devlin:  From  whom  does  the  rigbt  hon.  Gentleman  make  these  in- 
quiries? 

Sir  H.  Greenwood:  From  those  officers  and  persons  who  are  responsible 
to  me  for  their  conduct.     (Loc.  cit.,  vol.   134,  cols.  27-28.) 

Mr.  Kiley  (House  of  Commons,  11th  November,  1920)  asked  the  Chief 
Secretary  for  Ireland  whether  at  every  inquiry  held  into  alleged  reprisals  in 
Ireland  there  has  been  present  some  person  with  legal  training  or  qualifications; 
and  if  not,  in  the  case  of  how  many  inquiries  such  a  person  has  been  present? 

Sir  H.  Greenwood:  As  I  have  already  stated,  the  inquiries  into  such  allega- 
tions are  conducted  by  responsible  police  or  military  officers  upon  whose 
findings  I  can  rely.     (Loc.  cit.,  voL  134,  cols.  1344-45.) 


THE  BRITISH  CAMPAIGN  IN  IRELAND  45 

not  be  identified.*  It  seems  improbable  to  us  that  the  considerable  forces 
employed  for  such  expeditions  of  murder  and  destruction  could  absent 
themselves  from  their  barracks,  could  use  military  motor  trucks  to 
transport  themselves  to  the  doomed  towns,  and  expend  British  ammu- 
nition in  shooting  Irish  citizens  and  gasoline  in  burning  their  property, 
and  yet  could  leave  behind  no  discoverable  signs  of  their  identity. 

The  testimony  before  us  mentions  the  participation  of  District  In- 
spector Cruise  in  the  Galway  reprisal ;  of  an  unnamed  officer  in  the  Mal- 
low reprisal;  of  District  Inspector  Lowndes  and  three 
subordinate  officers  in  the  reprisal  at  Ballylorby.    The  Officers  in 

Mallow   reprisal   is   shown   to   have   resulted    from  a  epnsa  s 

concerted  military  maneuver  participated  in  by  troops  from  Fermoy 
and  Buttevant.  The  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Imperial  British 
Forces  in  Ireland,  General  Macready,  forewarned,  did  not  prevent  this 
military  sacking  of  Mallow.  The  Imperial  British  General  command- 
ing in  Galway  commended  the  assassins  and  incendiaries  in  Galway 
City ;  incited  them  to  repeat  their  depredations ;  and  immediately 
thereafter  two  more  murders  occurred  there. 

The  Restoration  of  Order  in  Ireland  Act  of  1920  would  seem  to 
give  to  the  Imperial  military  authorities  in  Ireland  the  administration 
of  criminal  law  in  set  areas  there.  But  this  law  does  not  dispense  with 
trial;  and  it  gives  the  military  no  sanction  either  for  assassination,  or 
for  the  invention  of  new  crimes ;  and  consequently  the  penalty  attached 
to  such  crimes  is  also  illegal.  There  seems  no  sanction  in  the  published 
civil  or  military  codes  of  British  justice  for  these  assassinations.  If  the 
Irish  are  rebels  to  British  authority  it  would  seem  to  us  that  their 
assassination  at  least  in  custody  must  be  contrary  to  British  law. 

Such  assassination  would  seem  likewise  to  be  contrary  to  the  as- 
sumption that  the  Irish  are  prisoners  of  war,  for  it  is  ''orbidden  by  the 
Hague  Convention. 

And  the  ethical  as  well  as  the  legal  aspects  of  the  killing  of  the 
handcuffed  Buckley  and  of  the  indiscriminate  shooting  up  of  sleeping 
towns  and  football  crowds  would  seem  to  be  defensible  by  no  standard 
of  human  conduct. 

DESTRUCTION  OF  PROPERTY 

In  examining  the  evidence  relating  to  crimes  committed  against 
life  by  the  Imperial  British  forces,  we  have  been  continually  confronted 
with  the  question  of  provocation;  but  in  the  destruction  of  property 

*  After  describing  the  murder  of  two  men,  the  destruction  of  more  than 
twenty  houses  and  a  factory  at  Balbriggan,  Sir  H.  Greenwood  (House  of 
Commons,  20th  October,  1920)  said:  "I  myself  have  had  the  fullest  inquiry 
made  into  the  oase.  I  will  tell  the  House  what  I  found.  I  found  that  from 
100  to  150  men  went  to  Balbriggan  determined  to  revenge  the  death  of  a 
popular  comrade  shot  at  and  murdered  in  cold  blood.  I  find  it  is  impossible 
out  of  that  150  to  find  the  men  who  did  the  deed,  who  did  the  burning.  I  have 
had   the  most  searching  inquiry  made."     (Loc.  cit.,  vol.   133,  col.  947.) 


EXHIBIT 


Wide    World   Photo 


15 

FIRST    OFFICIAL    BRITISH     REPRISALS,    AT    MIDLETON,    COUNTY    CORK, 

MISS  COTTER  AT  THE   DOORWAY   OF  THE   RUINED  HOME   OF 

HER   FATHER,    MICHAEL   COTTER. 


THE  BRITISH   CAMPAIGN  IN  IRELAND  47 

the  question  of  provocation  cannot  enter  and  the  i)rohibitions  of  law, 
both  domestic  and  international,  are  precise.  If  Great  Britain  is  not 
at  war  with  Ireland,  there  is  no  conceivable  condition  that  would  justify 
the  Imperial  British  forces  in  destroying  the  public  property  of  Irish 
cities  and  towns  or  private  property  of  Irish  citizens- — except  after  due 
process  of  law,  or  with  the  consent  of  the  owners  and  proper  provision 
for  damages. 

If  a  state  of  war  does  exist  in  Ireland,  the  situation  as  regards 
wanton  destruction  of  property  is  unchanged.  The  Laws  of  War,  as 
set  forth  in  the  Hague  Convention  of  1907,  to  which  the  Government 
of  Great  Britain  is  a  signatory,  positively  forbid  the  destruction  of 
property,  except  as  a  necessary  and  unavoidable  consequence  of  military 
operations.  The  prohibitions  are  particularly  explicit  as  regards  private 
property.     Article  23  of  the  Hague  Convention  declares: 

In  addition  to  the  prohibitions  provided  by  special  conventions,  it 
is  especially  forbidden — 

(g)  To  destroy  or  seize  the  enemy's  property,  unless  such  de- 
struction or  seizure  be  imperatively  demanded  by  the  necessities 
of  war. 

BURNING  OF  TOWNS 

We  have  heard  testimony  of  eye-witnesses  to  the  burning  of  con- 
siderable areas  of  tlie  following  Irish  cities,  towns  and  villages :  Cork, 
Balbriggan.  Mallow.  Galway,  Tuam,  Feakle,  Limerick,  Templemore, 
Ennistymon,  Lahinch  and  Miltown-Malbay — all  except  Cork  incon- 
testably  burned  by  Imperial  British  forces.  There  has  also  been  placed 
in  evidence  a  document  listing  all  Irish  cities,  towns  and  villages  alleged 
to  have  been  destroyed  in  part  bv  the  Imperial  British  forces.  This 
list  includes  towns  and  cities  named  above,  but.  except  as  to  these,  there 
is  no  testimony  of  eye-witnesses  before  us.      (See  map.) 

Save  for  the  doctrine  of  "reprisal"  which  has  no  sanction  either 
in  the  laws  of  civilized  nations  defining  poh'ce  power  or  in  the  code  of 
war  of  civilized  nations,  no  militarv  necessity  has  been  urged,  so  far 
as  we  have  been  able  to  discover,  in  justification  of  the  burning  of  any 
of  the  Irish  towns  regarding  which  we  have  had  evidence.  It  is  diffi- 
cult to  characterize  the  doctrine  of  "reprisar'  in  any  other  manner  ex- 
cept as  a  relic  of  barbarism.  Yet  we  have  had  presented  to  us  evidence 
that  this  policy  was  condoned  at  Balbriggan,  commended  at  Galway, 
and  planned  at  Mallow  by  officers  of  the  Imperial  High  Command. 

OFFICIAL  SANCTIONS  FOR  DESTRUCTION  OF  PROPERTY 

A  memorandum  submitted  to  us  by  Counsel  for  the  American 
Association  for  the  Recognition  of  the  Irish  Republic,  states : 

The  official  sanction  for  these  reprisals  is  complete,  consisting  of : 

1.  Typewritten  notices  signed  by  Brigadier-General  Higginson 
served  on  the  occupants  of  the  "marked  houses."  The  text  of  these 
notices  is  not  available,  but  their  substance  is  sufficiently  indicated  by 
the  official  statement  of  the  reprisals. 


48  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

2.  The  official  statement  published  by  order  of  the  Brigade- 
Major  at  Cork  in  the  Cork  papers.  This  statement  is  published  in 
the  Cork  Weekly  Examiner,  January  8,  1921,  as  follows: 

Official  Statement 

We  have  received  the  following  official  statement  for  publica- 
tion, which  was  telephoned  by  the  Brigade-Major  at  Cork: 

As  a  result  of  the  ambush  and  attack  on  the  police  at  Midleton 
and  the  Glebe  House  it  was  decided  by  the  military  Governor  that 
certain  houses  in  the  vicinity  of  the  outrages  were  to  be  destroyed, 
as  the  inhabitants  were  bound  to  have  known  of  the  ambush  and 
attack,  and  that  they  neglected  to  give  any  information  either  to  the 
military  or  police  authorities. 

The  following  houses  were  duly  destroyed  between  3  P.M.  and 
6  P.  M.  on  1st  January:  Mr.  John  O'Shea's,  Middleton;  Mr.  Paul 
M'Carthy's,  do.;  Mr.  Edward  Carey's,  do.;  Mr.  Cotter's  Ballyadam; 
Mr.  Donovan's,  do.;  Mr.  Michael  Dorgan's,  Knockgriffin;  Mr. 
Ahem,  do. 

Previous  to  the  burnings  Notice  B  was  served  on  the  persons 
affected,  giving  them  one  hour  to  clear  out  valuables,  but  not  fur- 
niture.    No  foodstuffs,  corn  or  hay  were  destroyed. 

3.  An  official  communication  issued  by  General  Headquarters 
in  Dublin  on  January  1,  1921,  the  text  of  which,  as  reported  by  the 
Weekly  Irish  Times,  January  8,  1921   (page  1),  is  as  follows: 

The  following  communication  was  issued  by  General  Head- 
quarters in  Dublin  on  Sunday  evening: 

"As  a  result  of  an  ambush  of  police  on  December  29th  at 
Midleton,  Co.  Cork  (a  martial  law  area)  in  which  one  policeman 
was  killed  and  eight  wounded,  two  of  whom  have  since  died,  the 
houses  of  seven  inhabitants  living  in  the  vicinity,  and  who  were 
bound  to  have  known  of  the  ambush,  were  destroyed  on  Saturday 
by  order  of  the  Military  Governor. 

"The  occupants  were  given  one  hour's  notice  to  remove  their 
belongings." 

INDUSTRIAL  DESTRUCTION 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that,  while  the  primary  motive  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  lives  and  towns  seems  to  be  to  strike  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the 
civilian  population,  this  motive  is  mixed  with  another — to  destroy  the 
principal  industries,  presumably  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  to  destitu- 
tion and  starvation  the  working  classes  which  are  mainly  Republican 
in  sympathies. 

The  destruction  of  the  principal  hosiery  factory  at 
Destruction  of      Balbriggan  was  testified  to  by  Mr.  John  Derham,  a 
member  of  the  Urban  Council  of  Balbriggan: 

The  factory  would  be  about  500  yards  from  the  nearest  burned 
dwelling.  There  is  a  railroad  embankment  passing  through  our  town, 
about  10  to  15  feet  high,  and  it  is  on  the  sea  side  of  the  embank- 
ment that  the  factory  is  situated.  You  cannot  see  it  from  the  town. 
It  was  burned  next  morning.  Totally  destroyed ;  one  hundred  thousand 
pounds  loss.  It  is  owned  in  London.  The  manager  is  an  Englishman. 
There  is  nothing  in  a  political  line  there.     Only  to  leave  destitution  in 


50  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

the  place.     One  hundred  and  twenty  people  worked  in  the  factory  and 
three  Imndred  more  in  their  homes. 

The  burning  of  this  factory  would  seem  to  have  been  a  deliberate 
act,  as  was  the  burning  at  Mallow,  where  the  troops,  equipped  with 
gasoline  sprays,  marched  a  considerable  distance  from  the  main  portion 
of  the  town,  in  order  to  burn  the  condensed-milk  factory.  No  military 
necessity  for  the  destruction  either  of  the  Balbriggan  hosiery  factory 
or  of  the  Mallow  condensed-milk  factory  appears  in  the  evidence. 

In  addition  to  the  burning  down  of  factories  situated  in  or  con- 
tiguous to  towns  that  were  burned,  the  evidence  indicates  that  there 
has  been  a  persistent  and  concerted  attempt  on  the 
Burning  of  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  Imperial  British  forces  throughout  Ire- 

Creameries  J  ^  ....,, 

land  to  destroy  her  one  distnictive  mdustry,  the  co- 
operative creamery. 

A  majority  of  the  witnesses  before  the  Commission  presented  evi- 
dence relative  to  the  destruction  of  creameries,  from  which  we  select 
a  statement  sent  to  us  by  Mr.  George  Russell  (M),  the  celebrated 
writer  and  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Irish  Cooperative  Movement,  and 
quote  from  it : 

The  cooperative  movement  in  Ireland  has  gained  world-wide 
recognition  as  one  of  the  sanest  and  most  beneficent  of  national 
movements.  Its  membership  included  men  of  all  parties  and  creeds 
in  Ireland;  and  it  is  as  popular  and  widely-spread  in  Ulster  as  in 
other  provinces.  Its  constitution  and  the  rules  of  its  societies  for- 
bade the  discussion  of  political  and  sectarian  matters.  On  this  basis 
many  thousands  of  Unionists  were  able  to  join  with  their  Nationalist 
fellow  countrymen  in  an  all-Ireland  movement  for  their  mutual  benefit. 
Over  one  thousand  societies  have  been  created,  with  an  annual  turn- 
over now  exceeding  eleven  million  pounds.  The  creameries,  bacon 
factories,  mills  and  agricultural  stores  created  by  cooperative  so- 
cieties are  a  familiar  feature  in  the  Irish  countryside.  Up  to  the 
moment  of  writing,  forty-two  attacks  have  been  made  on  cooperative 
societies  by  the  armed  forces  of  the  Crown.  In  these  attacks  cream- 
eries and  mills  have  been  burned  to  the  ground,  their  machinery 
wrecked,  agricultural  stores  have  also  been  burned,  property  looted, 
employees  have  been  killed,  wounded,  beaten,  threatened  or  other- 
wise ill-treated.  Why  have  these  economic  organizations  been  spe- 
cially attacked?  Because  they  have  hundreds  of  members,  and  if 
barracks  have  been  burned  or  police  have  been  killed  or  wounded 
in  the  lamentable  strife  now  being  waged  in  Ireland,  and  if  the 
armed  forces  of  the  Crown  cannot  capture  those  actually  guilty  of  the 
offences,  the  policy  of  reprisals,  condoned  by  the  spokesmen  of  the 
Government,  has  led  to  the  wrecking  of  any  enterprise  in  the  neigh- 
borhood, the  destruction  of  which  would  inflict  widespread  injury  and 
hurt  the  interests  of  the  greatest  number  of  people.  I  say  this  has 
been  done  without  regard  to  the  innocence  or  guilt  of  the  persons 
whose  property  is  attacked.  [In  other  paragraphs  Mr.  Russell  effec- 
tively and  completely  disposes  of  the  allegation  that  these  creameries 
or  any  of  them  were  Republican  arsenals.] 


52  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

Ireland  is  an  agricultural  country.    The  destruction  of  the  cream- 
eries has  crippled,  if  not  ruined,  one  of  the  principal  Irish  industries, 
forcing  farmers  to  kill  or  to  sell  for  slaughter  or  ex- 
Destruction  of       port  their  milk  cattle,  under  most  unfavorable  condi- 
rops  an  tions  at  whatever  the  market  vi^ould  bring.    An  equally 

Animals  •1111  .  . 

serious  blow  has  been  struck  at  Irish  agriculture  by 
the  Imperial  British  forces  through  the  destruction  of  crops  and  the 
indiscriminate  shooting  of  live  stock.  Miss  Ellen  G.  Wilkinson,  an 
English  woman  who  made  a  tour  of  inspection  over  a  large  part  of 
agricultural  Ireland  on  behalf  of  the  Women's  International  League, 
testified  as  follows : 

When  I  was  in  West  Clare  and  Limerick  there  was  a  wholesale 
burning  of  hay  ricks.  That  was  extremely  important,  because  on 
the  hay  ricks  depended  the  cattle,  and  hence  the  creameries.  And  of 
course,  in  burning  the  hay  ricks  you  destroyed  the  very  foundations 
of  Irish  agricultural  prosperity.  It  was  said  by  the  British  military 
authorities  that  these  were  reprisals  against  Sinn  Feiners;  but  that 
was  not  so,  because  in  Pallan  and  Kenry  Isic]  in  Kildare,  which  are 
Protestant  settlements,  their  ricks  were  burned,  too. 

When  we  went  to  Limerick  we  were  taken  to  Brennan's  farm, 
five  miles  out  of  Limerick.  It  was  owned  by  a  widow.  Her  two 
sons  were  heroes  in  the  countryside.  One  of  them,  Michael  Brennan, 
is  chairman  of  the  Clare  County  Council.  Of  course,  they  are  both 
on  the  run.  And  the  English  officers,  rightly  or  wrongly,  put  down 
many  of  the  occurrences  in  this  community  to  them.  So  the  English 
officers  went  to  the  house,  told  Mrs.  Brennan  to  get  out  immediately 
and  bui-ned  the  house  and  the  hay. 

In  another  section  of  the  report  we  have  called  attention  to  testi- 
mony that  soldiers  passing  through  the  country  in  motor  lorries  have 
made  a  practice  of  shooting  at  farm  animals  along  the  way.  And  the 
testimony  of  John  Charles  Clark  and  others  shows  that  considerable 
numbers  of  livestock  have  been  destroyed  by  the  burning  of  barns  and 
cattle  sheds. 

THE  BRITISH  TERROR  IN  IRELAND 

Article  46  of  the  Hague  Convention  states:  "Family  honor  and 
rights,  individual  life  and  private  property,  as  well  as  religious  con- 
victions and  worship,  must  be  respected.  Private  property  may  not  be 
confiscated."  The  British  terror  in  Ireland  would  seem  to  us  to  violate 
not  merely  this  article  but  all  law  of  peace  and  of  war,  private  and 
public,  human  and  divine.  In  its  long  continuance,  complete  organiza- 
tion, ruthlessness  and  all-pervading  character,  it  would  seem  to  your 
Commission  almost  without  parallel  in  the  practice  of  civilized  nations. 

The  testimony  of  Mrs.  Muriel  MacSwiney,  the  Misses  Walsh, 
Miss  Craven  and  others  allowed  us  to  realize  the  extent  to  which  the 
sanctity  of  the  Irish  home  is  violated.  A  total  of  48,474  raids  by  armed 
British  on  Irish  homes  in  1920,  compiled  from  official  Irish  Republican 
sources,  was  presented  to  us.     These  raids  would  seem  to  take  place 


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54  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

usually  in  the  night;  and  their  avowed  purpose  seemed  to  be  in  part 
to  find  secreted  arms  and  "wanted"  men. 

The  men  sought  by  the  raiders  were  said  to  be  "on  the  run,"  some 
from  arrest ;  others,  as  has  been  shown,  from  assassination  by  the  Im- 
"o      I,    R     "       PS^'i^l  British  forces.     Lord  Mayor  MacSwiney,  "on 

the  run,"  saw  his  family  rarely  and  by  stealth.  Lord 
Mayor  O'Callaghan  testified  that  he  had  not  been  able  to  enter  his  own 
home  for  two  years.  It  would  appear  from  testimony  already  cited 
that  the  family  of  a  father  or  husband,  son  or  brother  "on  the  run," 
shared  his  peril  even  in  his  absence. 

And  in  some  places,  those  who  were  not  "on  the  run,"  and  the  in- 
firm and  aged,  the  women  and  children,  would  appear  to  feel  safer  in  the 

fields  than  in  their  homes.  Mr.  Derham  testified  that 
Shelter  in  {qj-  ^  week  after  the  sack  of  Balbriggan,  the  towns- 

Cemeteries  people  "spent  the  night  in  the  country.     They  did  not 

wait  until  night  to  go.  When  four  o'clock,  or  evening 
came,  you  would  see  them  going  away  to  the  country,  stopping  in  the 
farmer's  stables  or  barns  or  haylofts  or  anything  they  could  get,  or  in 
the  ditches.     Two-thirds  of  the  people  left  the  town  during  the  week." 

And  of  a  night  in  Mallow,  Mr.  Frank  Dempsey  testified: 

There  is  a  graveyard  immediately  behind  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  and  behind  the  Protestant  Church,  and  quite  a  number  of 
women  and  children  spent  the  night  sitting  on  the  gravestones — on 
the  tombstones.  One  woman,  Mrs.  Connolly,  who  had  a  baby  about 
three  days  previous  to  this — she  had  to  get  up  out  of  bed  with  her 
baby,  of  course.  She  got  up  and  took  her  baby  and  remained  out 
in  the  graveyard  with  her  baby  all  night  and  she  got  pneumonia  and 
died.  The  baby  is  alive  yet.  Another  old  woman  who  went  to  this 
graveyard  got  sick  and  died. 

What  they  feared  could  be  appreciated  from  Mr.  Morgan's  testi- 
mony of  the  experience  of  his  family  at  Thurles : 

.    j^.  ,      .  On  the  twentieth  of  January,  about  11:10,  my  wife 

„  was  in  bed  and  my  boy  of  five  years  was  in  the  cot.     I 

had  put  out  the  light  and  had  got  ready  to  go  to  bed 
when  I  heard  shooting  going  on  in  the  town.  When  I  heard  the  shoot- 
ing first  I  thought  it  was  only  isolated  shots,  and  then  I  heard  heavy 
volleys.  So  I  said  to  my  wife,  "We  must  get  out  of  this  room  imme- 
diately. If  there  are  any  stray  shots,  we  shall  be  in  danger."  We 
hastily  got  out  of  bed  and  got  down  to:  a  lower  basement  where  it 
was  fairly  good  protection  from  the  side  and  also  from  the  front, 
because  we  were  in  the  back.  I  went  back  and  got  the  youngster  out 
of  his  cot.  I  had  to  go  on  all  fours  lest  a  bullet  should  come  in.  I 
dragged  him  down  and  had  to  go  back  for  some  clothes  to  cover  us. 
All  that  time  the  firing  was  going  on  heavily.  And  it  got  nearer  and 
nearer.  Just  as  I  got  inside  the  basement  with  the  clothes  I  heard 
bullets  hitting  the  house.  There  was  a  door  there  facing  the  street. 
The  bullets  came  in  through  the  hall  and  swished  by  the  door  where 
we  were  standing.  We  heard  the  glass  going  and  the  plaster  falling 
off  the  ceiling.     I  placed  my  wife  and  the  little  boy  flat  on  the  floor. 


THE   BRI'IISH   CAMPAIGN   IN   IRELAND  55 

We  tried  to  protect  ourselves  as  well  as  we  could.  It  was  a  miserable 
cold  night.  My  wife,  in  her  condition,  being  within  two  weeks  of  her 
confinement,  was  in  a  terror-stricken  state.  We  lay  there.  The  firing 
continued.  The  heavy  volleys  we  heard  outside  seemed  to  pierce 
every  window  in  the  house.  Then  the  firing  moved  back  to  town 
again.  It  lasted  altogether  about  an  hour,  and  it  stopped.  We  re- 
mained in  the  same  position,  anxious  to  know  if  it  would  break  out 
any  more.  In  half  an  hour's  time  it  started  again,  but  on  the  second 
occasion  it  did  not  last  so  long.  Only  about  ten  minutes.  We  could 
not  stir  from  the  position  we  were  in  because  we  did  not  know  at 
what  moment  it  would  break  out  again.  So  that  we  had  to  lie  on  the 
stone  floor  all  night. 

The  terror  spread  to  homes  not  the  objective  of  attack.  The  Re\ . 
Eather  Cotter  gave  the  following  description  of  an  evening  in  Galway  : 

With  the  lights  out  in  my  room,   I   peeped   out  £       • 

under  the  blinds  and  saw  what  appeared  to  be  about  q  , 

two  hundred  fifty  soldiers  or  police  halt  at  the  door  of  ^^^ 

the  hotel.  Immediately  after  the  order  "Halt!"  came  the  word  "Fire!"; 
so  they  shot  there  for  several  hours  through  the  street,  terrifying  every- 
one. I  left  my  bed  and  lay  under  the  window — it  was  a  stone  build- 
ing— to  escape  a  possible  bullet. 

And  the  terror  would  seem  not  to  pass  with  the  night.  Daniel  T. 
Broderick,  an  ex-American  soldier,  testified  : 

I  have  seen  them  [soldiers]  travel  along  the  roads  Country 

there,  and  if  a  dog  barked  at  their  trucks — lorries,  as  p  ^j 

they  call  them — that  dog  would  be  instantly  shot.  And 
it  was  a  regular  habit  of  theirs  to  shoot  at  houses  adjoining  the  public 
road,  and  to  take  pot  shot  at  cattle  along  the  road  as  they  went  along. 

Near  the  cities  the  highways  would  seem  to  hold  both  the  terror 
and  the  refugees.  Mrs.  Agnes  B.  King  testified  that  she  went  out 
from  Dublin : 

I  went  out  to  Balbriggan  the  day  before  Patrick  Lynch  was  killed. 
It  seemed  to  me  that  hundreds  of  Black  and  Tans  were  on  the  road 
going  out.  As  you  approached  the  town,  you  met  the  people  fleeing. 
Sometimes  they  were  taking  all  they  had  with  them.  I  met  many 
women  with  children  huddled  about  their  skirts,  fleeing  from  the  town. 

The  terror  that  runs  on  the  country  roads  would  seem  to  abide  in 
the  city  streets.  Concerning  conditions  in  Dublin,  October,  1920,  Mr. 
Denis  Morgan  testified: 

You  might  be  going  down  the  main  streets  any  City  Streets 

time  of  the  day  and  suddenly  you  hear  a  shout, 
"Whoop,"  and  suddenly  both  ends  of  the  street  are  stopped  up.  Shots 
are  fired  over  the  heads  of  the  bystanders  and  then  everyone  is  searched. 
Now  they  are  always  accompanied  by  armored  cars  carrying  machine 
guns.  The  armored  cars  drive  up  on  the  foot  path  where  the  people 
stand  so  that  they  have  to  clear  out  in  all  directions  in  order  to  escape. 
On  almost  any  street  of  Dublin  you  can  see  these  armored  cars  going 
along  with  bayonets  sticking  out,  and  very  often  they  fire  shots,  ap- 
parently to  see  the  women  and  people  scream  and  fly  in  all  directions.* 

*  Note    the    bearing    of   such    happenings    on    the   "refusal    to    halt"    and    "try- 
ing   to    escape"    shootings. 


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THE  BRITISH  CAMPAIGN  IN  IRELAND  57 

Laurence  Ginnell,  for  many  years  a  member  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment, gave  us  this  picture  of  the  occupied  city  of  DubHn  as  it  was  in 
March,  1920: 

The  streets  were  filled  with  fully  armed  soldiers  marching  about 
with  fixed  bayonets  and  bombs  hanging  at  their  belts.  Often  tanks, 
even  in  the  daytime,  rolled  along.  Aeroplanes  hovered  over  the  city 
of  Dublin  incessantly.  There  were  soldiers  at  the  railroad  stations 
and  at  most  of  the  bridges  leading  into  the  city.  The  people  live  in 
a  state  of  military  siege. 

The  Irish  who  live  in  this  terror  would  seem  also  called  upon  to 
endure  restrictions  of  their  movements.  It  was  stated  in  evidence  that 
7,287  Republicans  had  been  arrested  by  the  Imperial  British  forces  in 
Ireland  during  1920;  and  that  the  populace  still  at  large  were  by  pro- 
clamation forbidden  to  enter  or  leave  certain  areas,  to  possess  motor 
cars,  to  travel  twenty  miles  by  motor,  or  to  be  on  the  streets  after  a 
given  hour,  without  military  permission.  This  curfew  hour  would  seem 
to  fall  as  early  as  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  at  the  whim  of  some 
Imperial   British  officer. 

Violation  of  these  ordinances  may  end  fatally.  Such  restrictions 
deprive  the  Iri^h  citizens  nf  most  organized  and  unorganized  occasions 
of  social  or  community  life. 

RELIGIOUS  SERVICES 

Several  witnesses  have  given  testimony  on  the  practice  of  stationing 
fully  armed  soldiers  or  y)olicent':n  in  the  Roman  Catholic  churches  dur- 
ing services.  John  Tangney,  fornje-  member  of  the  R.  I.  C,  testified 
(corroborated  by  Daniel  Calvin,  ex-R.  I.  C.)  as  to  orders  issued  to 
the  police  by  General  Deasey  in  the  section  of  Tipperary  where  he  was 
stationed  in   May,    1920: 

These  orders  were  that  all  policemen  should  go  to  Mass,  in  forma- 
tion. The  two  in  front  were  to  take  revolvers  and  the  last  two  were 
to  take  rifles.  The  revolvers  were  to  be  worn  with  lanyards.  The 
two  with  rifles  were  to  keep  their  rifles  at  the  ready  with  bullets  in 
the  breech  until  Mass  was  over.  And  when  Mass  was  over  they  were 
to  march  through  the  crowds  the  same  way.  And  if  there  was  any 
hostility  shown,  they  were  to  shoot. 

It  was  testified  that  religious  services  were  profaned  by  the  pres- 
ence of  military  patrols  in  the  aisles  of  churches  in  Thurles,  Clougheen, 
Galway  and  other  places ;  that  churches  are  surrounded  during  the 
services  and  the  emerging  congregations  searched,  and  worshipers 
assaulted  and  arrested. 

DEATHS  AND  WAKES 

There  was  evidence  before  us  that  armed  men  invaded  sick  rooms, 
birth  and  death  chambers.  Mr.  Denis  Morgan  testified :  "There  was 
a  case  at  Holy  Cross.  A  girl  had  died  and  a  wake  was  being  held. 
.At  a  wake  in  Ireland  the  neighbors  assemble  and  sit  up  all  night  with 
the  corpse.     At  the  wake  was  a  poor  old  simpleton,  Mr.  Rooney.     He 


THE  BRITISH  CAMPAIGN   IN   IRELAND  59 

happened  to  go  out  of  the  corpse  house."  He  was  killed  outside  the 
door.  The  coroner's  jury  verdict  on  Rooney  was,  "wilful  murder  com- 
mitted by  the  armed  forces  of  the  Crown." 

FUNERALS 

Funerals  in  Ireland,  according  to  several  witnesses,  have  a  body- 
guard of  soldiers  that  follow  the  mourners  to  the  grave.  Henry  Turk, 
American  sailor,  gave  the  following  testimony  on  funerals  he  had  wit- 
nessed in  Cork : 

There  is  just  one  thing  I  would  like  to  mention,  if  I  could,  and 
that  is  the  most  pathetic  thing  I  remembered  in  Cork,  in  connection 
with  the  killing  of  the  people  over  there,  is  that  they  usually  com- 
bine the  funerals.  There  are  three  or  four  of  the  men  buried  at  one 
time  and  the  bodies  are  carried  along  the  streets  on  the  shoulders  of 
their  comrades.  They  are  draped  with  the  Republican  colors.  Fol- 
lowing the  bodies  come  the  mourners,  the  relatives,  and  probably  the 
members  of  their  society.  Then  immediately  following  that  is  an 
armored  car,  with  machine  guns,  and  three  or  four  lorries  of  heavily 
armed  men.  Each  one  has  got  a  trench  helmet  on,  and  guns  all  leveled 
at  the  people  on  the  sidewalk  and  the  corners. 

That  is  not  an  exception.     Every  funeral   I  have   seen  was   car- 
ried  on   that  way. 

Mr.  P.  J.  Guilfoil  testified  regarding  a  funeral  he  witnessed : 

There  was  the  coffin  coming  up  the  street  and  the  military  on 
both  sides  of  the  coffin  which  was  covered  with  wreaths  .  .  .  and  as 
they  passed  the  Windsor  Hotel  where  I  was  staying  at,  the  military 
took  their  bayonets  and  threw  these  wreaths  off. 

Mr.  Guilfoil  also  gave  testimony  regarding  the  desecration  of 
tombs  and  the  prying  open  of  coffins  by  Imperial  British  forces,  al- 
legedly searching  for  concealed  arms. 

It  would  seem  to  your  commission  that  the  Imperial  British  forces 
have  made  Ireland  a  prison ;  and  have  organized  a  terror  to  harass 
the  citizenry  even  unto  death — and  beyond. 


CHAPTER   V 

Physical  Consequences  to  Imperial  British 
Forces  in  Ireland 

AN  Eii;;lish  witness,  Miss  Ellen  C.  Wilkinson,  placed  in  evidence 
before  the  Commission  figures  laid  before  the  British  Parlia- 
ment recording  that  approximately  500  members  of  the  Imperial 
British  forces  had  perisb.ed  between  the  proclamation  of  the  Irish  Re- 
public and  November,  1920.  Mrs.  Annot  Erskine  Robinson,  testifying 
with  Miss  Wilkinson,  on  December  1st,  1920,  said  she  understood  the 
number  to  have  reached  600.  The  number  was  put  by  one  witness  as 
low  as  2.'^2.  We  have  had  no  reliable  means  of  establishing  the  accu- 
racy of  the  British  official  record,  but  as  presumably  it  is  not  an  under- 
statement, we  are  justified  in  concluding  that  not  more  than  600  of  the 
Imperial  British  forces  have  been  killed  in  Ireland  from  May,  1916, 
to  December,  1920.  These  600  casualties  would  seem  to  have  occurred 
in  a  force  of  at  least  78.000,  in  a  period  of  four  and  one-half  years,  or  at 
the  rate  of  not  more  than  twenty-six  hundredths  of  one  per  cent,  per 
annum.* 

The  Imperial  British  forces  in  Ireland  arc  the  titular  custodians 
of  "law  and  order"  there,  which  their  "duties"  consist  in  maintaining. 
Evidence  of  the  nature  of  these  "duties"  has  been  presented  as  well 
as  evidence  gravely  reflecting  on  the  conduct  and  discipline  of  the 
Imperial  liritish  forces,  and  in  considering  the  causes  of  the  alleged 
600  British  casualties,  it  would  appear  to  us  necessary  to  stress  these 
duties  and  to  emphasize  the  license  which  replaces  discipline  in  these 
Imperial  British  forces.  We  would  also  respectfully  call  the  attention 
of  our  Committee  to  the  invidious  use  of  the  words  "police"  and  "con- 


*  It  is  clear  from  the  evidence  that  Irish  resistance  has  been  non-violent  to 
a  surprising  degree.  It  has  found  expression  among  other  things  in  the  boycott 
of  British  governmental  agencies  and  the  refusal  of  the  Irish  railwray  men  to 
operate  trains  carrying  Imperial  British  troops.  Thereupon  the  British  author- 
ities discharged  the  men  and  in  many  cases  virtually  discontinued  train  service. 
This  state  of  affair3  continued  for  many  wreeks  during  1920.  According  to  testi- 
mony of  Mr.  Dempsey,  himself  an  engineer,  the  railway  union  finally  receded 
from  its  position  from  no  selfish  motive  but  because  it  feared  that  Ireland  suf- 
fered by  lack  of  train  service  more  than  the  military,  who  had  an  abundance 
of  motor  lorries.  The  most  dramatic  examples  of  non-violent  resistance  were 
furnished  by  political  prisoners,  who  carried  on  repeated  hunger  strikes  to  win 
freedom  or  other  concessions  from  the  Imperial  British  Government.  In  the 
cases  of  Lord  Mayor  MacSwiney  and  Messrs.  Fitzgerald  and  Murphy  the  strikes 
were  persisted   in   until   death   ended   them. 

60 


62  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

stabulary"  by  the  British  authorities  in  Ireland,  as  terms  for  an  armed 
service  now  exclusively  employed  on  military  duty. 

We  have  considered  evidence  of  eye-witnesses  and  depositions 
from  victims,  establishing  that  the  "police"  or  "constabulary"  includes 

in  its  ranks  burglars  and  highway  robbers,  gunmen 
"Policeman"  ^nd  petty  thieves.     It  was  testified  before  us  that  the 

"Constable"  "policc"   or   Royal   Irish   Constabulary   were   charged 

by  British-appointed  coroner's  juries  with  the  murders 
of  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain,  and  Messrs.  Walsh,  Lynch,  Dwyer, 
McCarthy  and  Rooney,  and  others.  It  was  further  testified  that  in 
other  cases,  murders  were  committed  by  these  so-called  policemen  and 
no  jury  was  summoned.  In  the  cases  of  Galway,  Balbriggan  and  other 
cities  and  villages  these  "policemen"  added  arson  and  looting  to  murder. 
The  presence  of  District  Inspector  Cruise  at  the  "reprisal"  in  Galway 
and  of  District  Inspector  Lowndes  at  the  sacking  of  Ballylorby,  in 
charge  of  the  sacking  "policemen"  was  mentioned  in  evidence  before  us. 
The  barracking  of  these  "police"  with  the  Black  and  Tans  and  their 
cooperation  with  the  military  were  likewise  established.  Testimony  as 
to  orders  by  their  superior  officers  inciting  or  commanding  them  to 
slay  and  to  burn,  is  before  us.  In  addition,  three  former  members  of 
this  "police"  force,  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary,  have  appeared  as  wit- 
nesses before  us  testifying,  and  two  more  have  deposed,  to  the  nature 
of  their  orders,  and  their  duties.  These  persons  have  corroborated  in 
all  essentials  the  evidence  of  other  witnesses  that  the  words  "police," 
"policeman,"  and  "constable"  as  used  by  the  British  in  Ireland  are  mis- 
leading, and  tend  to  reflect  dishonor  upon  that  honorable  class  which  in 
other  lands  maintains  "law  and  order." 

Banal  murder  is  very  rare  in  Ireland.  The  first  witness  before  the 
Commission,  Mr.  Denis  Morgan,  of  the  Urban  Council  of  Thurles, 
testified  that  neither  murder  nor  any  other  major  felony  had  been  com- 
mitted in  his  town  during  twelve  years,  and  there  is  a  good  deal  of 
further  testimony  to  the  same  effect.  Ex-Constable  Daniel  Calvin 
handled  only  one  case  of  murder  in  thirteen  years.  We  are,  therefore, 
forced  to  consider  that  most  of  the  alleged  600  British  casualties  have 
arisen  out  of  the  present  political  situation  in  Ireland. 

CAUSES  OF  CASUALTIES  SUFFERED  BY  IMPERIAL  BRITISH 
FORCES  IN  IRELAND 

Mr.  John  Derham,  Commissioner  of  the  town  of  Balbriggan,  testi- 
fied thai  Burke,  a  sergeant  of  the  Imperial  British  forces,  was  slain  in 
a  drunken  brawl  in  a  public  house  (saloon)  of  Balbriggan  on  September 
20th,  1920.  So  far  as  we  can  ascertain  no  civil  investigation  was  made 
of  the  killing  of  Burke,  the  British  in  Ireland  having  apparently  abdi- 


PHYSICAL  CONSEQUENCES  TO  THE  BRITISH         63 

cated  the  judicial  function.  Further,  there  was  no  attempt  to  arrest 
or  even  to  find  the  parties  to  the  murder.  Instead,  a  few  hours  after 
Burke's  death  Imperial  British  forces  burned,  looted  and  slew  in  Bal- 
briggan.  It  would  appear  from  the  attitude  of  the  Imperial  British 
authorities  towards  the  sack  of  Balbriggan  that  the  British  High  Com- 
mand judged  the  slaying  of  Burke  to  be  a  corporate  crime  of  the  citi- 
zens of  Balbriggan — a  judgment  unconfirmed  by  the  evidence  before 
the  Commission. 

Mr.  Alorgan  testified  that  Irish  Republican  police  had  rescued 
from  the  vengeance  of  the  people  drunken  members  of  the  Imperial 
British  forces,  l)ehaving  outrageously.  The  deaths  of  Burke  and 
others  would  appear  to  us  to  prove  that  at  least  some  of  the  slain 
Imperial  I^ritish  forces  were  victims  of  their  own  carelessness  and 
drunken  aggression.  The  responsibility  for  such  deaths  would  seem 
to  rest  ultimately  upon  the  authority  that  permits,  condones,  or  en- 
courages drunkenness  among  the  British  troops. 

It  was  testified  that  a  Captain  Beattie  and  an  unknown  private  of 
the  Imperial  British  forces  perished  as  a  result  of  their  negligence  in  the 
handling  of   the  petrol    (gasoline),   with   which   they 
were  kindling  the  Templemore  Town  Hall.     Against  rT?.'.,!!^-^* 

the  circumstantial  detail  of  this  testimony,  and  the 
partial  corroboration  gi-sen  to  it  by  a  minute  of  the  Templemore  Urban 
Council,  must  be  placed  the  fact  that  the  Imperial  British  forces  took 
vengeance  for  Captain  Beattic's  death  by  renewing  their  depredations  in 
Templemore.  It  seems  clear  to  the  Commission  that  the  risk  of  fatal 
accident  in  this  case  was  inseparable  from  the  dangerous  duty  in  which 
this  British  officer  and  his  men  were  engaged.  The  danger  inherent  in 
such  duties,  assigned  to,  accepted  or  assumed  by  members  of  the  Im- 
perial British  forces,  is  not  attributable  to  the  Irish  people. 

Ex-member  of  the  R.  I.  C.  Tangney  testified  that  he  and  two  of 
his  comrades  were  shot  at,  near  Clougheen,  by  a  Black  and  Tan  named 
Richards,    whom   they   had    refused   to   guide    to   the 
home  of  a   suspected   Republican,   one  Walsh.     Evi-  Casu'altleT^ 

dence  submitted  to  us  by  certain  recent  members  of 
the  Imperial  British  forces,  and  corroborated  by  the  testimony  of  other 
witnesses,  indicates  that  defection  from  these  forces  is  frequent  and 
occasionally  is  discouraged  by  the  killing  or  flogging  of  those  who  too 
publicly  contemplate  resigning.  D.  F.  Crowley  testified  to  500  resigna- 
tions out  of  9,000  men,  during  April  and  May  of  1920,  and  said  that 
after  he  himself  had  resigned  he  had  been  backed  against  a  wall  and 
threatened  with  loaded  revolvers  by  Black  and  Tans.  A  constable 
Farley  in  Adare  was  alleged  to  have  been  murdered  under  similar 
circumstances. 

Citizens  of  the  Irish  Republic  would  seem  to  your  Commission  not 
blameable   for  incidental,  accidental  and  disciplinary  casualties  in  the 


PHYSICAL  CONSEQUENCES  TO  THE  BRITISH        65 

Imperial  British  forces  in  Ireland  and  for  casualties  incurred  under 
circumstances  of  general  violence  and  terror.  Such  casualties  probably 
amount  to  a  certain  percentage  of  the  whole  600  who,  it  is  alleged, 
have  been  killed.  The  refusal  of  the  British  to  present  their  side 
leaves  us  with  only  fragmentary  evidence  of  the  causes  and  occasions 
of  death  in  the  remainder. 

Fortified  barracks  or  block  houses  held  by  Imperial  British  troops 
have  been  attacked,  captured,  and  destroyed,  and  armed  British  units  in 
trains,  motors  and  other  vehicles,  and  on  foot,  have 
been  assailed  by  Irish  Republican  forces.  For  an  Irish  R®**^?ml"  , 
Republican  Army  drilled,  disciplined,  and  when  de- 
sirable uniformed,  already  exists,  and  we  have  evidence  concerning 
one  member  of  it  captured  in  action  and  subsequently  executed  by  the 
British.  It  is  in  these  military  operations  that  the  greater  part  of  the 
British  casualties  seem  to  have  occurred.  Upon  the  legality  of  such 
operations  the  terms  of  our  commission  preclude  us  from  expressing 
a  judgment.  But  if  the  point  of  their  legality  be  waived,  it  would 
appear  to  us  that  the  Irish  Republican  forces,  in  such  cases  as  we  have 
been  able  to  examine,  have  observed  the  recognized  conventions  of 
war.  In  no  case  have  we  found  evidence  of  physical  violence  done 
by  the  Irish  to  any  member  of  the  Imperial  British  forces  who  sur- 
rendered or  was  captured  in  arms.  Indeed,  there  is  considerable  evi- 
dence that  such  prisoners  were  treated  with  humanity,  in  most  cases 
being  given  their  liberty  after  they  were  disarmed. 

Besides  such  casualties  incurred  by  Imperial  British  forces  attacked 
by  the  armed  forces  of  the  Irish  Republic,  other  casualties  have  been 
sustained  by  the  British  in  the  course  of  raids  made 
by  the  Irish  on  barracks.     We  distinguish  this  cate-  r*\i^'  *" 

gory,  without  being  able  to  estimate  its  size,  chiefly  Barracks 

because  the  casualties  it  covers  have  been  in  a  measure 
incidentally  inflicted  by  men  who  sought  not  to  slay  but  to  arm  them- 
selves for  defense.  Mr.  Morgan  testified  that  a  barrack  at  Littletown 
was  attacked  and  disarmed  on  a  Sunday  afternoon  without  a  shot  being 
fired.  Mr.  Francis  Hackett  estimated  that  not  more  than  twenty 
"police"  had  been  killed  during  the  British  evacuation  of  600  barracks. 
On  September  27th,  1920,  about  fifty  members  of  the  Irish  Republican 
Army  surprised  the  British  military  barracks  at  Mallow  and  demanded 
the  supply  of  arms  contained  therein.  No  casualties  would  have  b.een 
suffered  on  either  side  had  not  five  or  six  men  from  the  garrison  escaped 
and  begun  firing.  In  the  exchange  of  shots  that  followed  a  British 
sergeant-major  was  mortally  wounded,  but  no  one  else  was  injured. 
Mr.  Frank  Dempsey  it  will  be  recalled  testified  that  after  the  arms  had 
been  taken  from  the  garrison  a  doctor  and  a  priest  were  sent  for  by  the 
Irish  Republican  troops  to  minister  to  the  sergeant-major.  The  bar- 
racks were  not  burned,  nor  was  any  man  harmed  intentionally,  the 


PHYSICAL  CONSEQUENCES  TO  THE  BRITISH         67 

single  purpose  of  the  raid  being  to  secure  arms  and  munitions  which 
since  1914  had  been  prohibited  by  the  British  administration  to  Irish 
Volunteers.  The  old  law  forbidding  the  possession  of  arms  anywhere 
in  Ireland  had  gone  unenforced  during  1913,  while  Sir  Edward  Carson* 
was  organizing  and  equipping  his  Ulster  Volunteers,  but  it  had  come 
rigidly  into  force  in  the  rest  of  Ireland  a  year  later  when  it  was  dis- 
covered that  the  Irish  Volunteers  were  claiming  an  equivalent  privilege. 
The  responsibility  for  such  deaths,  however  unintentional,  would  ap- 
pear to  us  to  rest  squarely  upon  the  Irish.  It  would  seem,  however, 
that  the  storing  of  arms  in  known  places,  isolated  and  inadequately  pro- 
tected, on  the  part  of  the  Imperial  British  High  Command  is  under 
existing  conditions  in  Ireland  almost  an  invitation  to  attack. 

Testimony  attributes  to  the  Imperial  British  forces  approximately 
48,000  raids,  entailing  wreckage  of  property,  robbery,  murder  of  citi- 
zens, brutality  to  priests  and  women  and  children,  and 
indiscriminate    flogging.      Many  of   the   raids,  by  all  7?^**    .,  **" 

accounts,  have  been  made  at  night  by  members  of  the 
British  forces  who  were  dressed  in  civilian  clothing  or  were  otherwise 
unrecognizable  as  having  military  business,  and  so  were  subject  to 
resistance  by  citizens,  as  common  thugs  and  house-breakers.  In  certain 
raids  masks  have  been  worn ;  in  that  on  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain's  house 
his  assailants  had  their  faces  blackened  and  wore  long  raincoats  and  soft 
dark  hats.  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain,  incidentally,  by  the  testimony  of 
his  sister-in-law.  Miss  Susanna  Walsh,  had  for  some  time  before  his 
death  been  recommending  that  the  Republicans  of  Cork  arm  against  the 
raiders :  "It  would  not  do  for  armed  men  to  be  coming  in  at  all  hours 
of  the  day  and  night  and  terrifying  women  and  children."  It  would 
seem  to  the  Commission  that  persons  engaged  in  the  violation  of  prop- 
erty rights  and  personal  safety  inevitably  incur  the  dangers  inherent  in 
these  tasks,  even  if  they  are  "policemen"  or  soldiers,  and  especially  if 
they  are  disguised.  The  responsibility  for  these  deaths  falls  less  on  the 
Irish  people  than  on  the  British  officers  and  agents  who  ordered  and 
carried  out  the  duties  which  involved  the  fatal  issue. 

Mrs.  King  gave  testimony  that  in  her  presence  a  person  dressed  as 
a  civilian  in  the  railway  station  of  Galway,  late  at  night,  without  provo- 
cation, suddenly  began  indiscriminately  to  shoot  down 
unarmed  bvstanders.     In  the  attempt  to  restrain  him,  Death  of 

r         1       1     'i  1  •  1  Krumm 

after  he  had  killed  and  wounded  persons,  he  was  him- 
self shot.  A  passer-by  with  an  English  accent  claimed  him  as  a  brother. 
Ex-Constable  Caddan  stated  that  Krumm  was  a  Black  and  Tan.  In 
this  case  it  would  appear  to  us  that  bystanders  at  Galway  were  acting 
in  conformity  with  their  public  duty  in  attempting  to  restrain  this  mur- 
dering Englishman,  even  at  the  cost  of  his  life. 

*  Vide,    p.    95. 


68  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

Testimony  mentioned  tlie  assassination  of  District  Inspector  Swanzy 

at  Lisburn.     Miss  Anna  Walsh  gave  evidence  that  the  coroner's  jury 

which  investigated  the  death  of  Mayor  MacCurtain, 

Death  of  charged   Swanzy  and  others   with  the  murder.     The 

District  British  did  not  arrest  Swanzy,  thus  duly  charged  in 

Inspector  j^     ,  £qj.j^-,      Instead,  Swanzy  departed  from  Cork  to 

Swanzy  °  .., 

Lisburn.     Mr.  Francis  Hackett  testihed  to  bemg  told 

by  a  responsible  member  of  the  Irish  Republic  that  six  participated  in 
the  murder  of  the  Lord  Mayor  of  whom  five  had  been  executed  by 
assassination,  and  Swanzy  was  the  sixth.  A  few  weeks  after  this  con- 
versation Swanzy  was  assassinated.  It  would  seem  to  us  that  an  armed 
guard,  or  a  public  acquittal  by  a  regular  tribunal  was  necessary  to  the 
protection  of  Swanzy  in  Ireland. 

Testimony  likewise  mentioned  the  assassination  of  Divisional  Com- 
missioner Smyth.     Rev.   M.  English  corrol)orated  by  D.   F.  Crowley, 
fohn  McNamara  and  Michael  Kelly,  former  members 
Death  of  of  the  R.   I.  C,  testified  that  Smyth  had  incited  the 

Divisional  j^    j_   q    ^^  ^1^^^^  ^^ll    q^:^^   Feiners— "the  more  you 

Commissioner  t  n     i-i  >>        t-    n  j     iv/r 

Smyth  shoot   the   better    I    will    like   you.        Kelly   and    Mc- 

Namara deposed  that  this  incitation  was  delivered  in 
their  presence.    Kelly  said  : 

During  the  time  I  was  stationed  at  Listowell  the  town  was  peace- 
able, there  were  no  outbreaks  or  trouble  of  any  kind.  Following  a 
change  in  the  military  personnel  in  Ireland,  Colonel  Smyth  was  made 
Divisional  Commissioner  of  Police  for  the  Munster  Area,  early  in 
June,  1920.  On  June  19,  1920,  Colonel  Smyth  visited  the  R.  I.  C. 
barracks  at  Listowell  in  company  with  General  Tudor,  Inspector  Gen- 
eral of  Police  and  Black  and  Tans  for  Ireland;  Major  Letham,  Com- 
missioner of  Police,  from  Dublin  Cas'.le;  Captain  Chadwick  in  charge 
of  the  military  at  Ballyruddy,  and  Poer  O'Shea,  County  Inspector  of 
Police  for  County  Kerry.  Colonel  Smyth  addressed  the  members  of 
the  R.  I.  C.  in  the  barracks  at  Listowell,  making  substantially  the 
following  remarks: 

"Well,  men,  I  have  something  of  interest  to  tell  you,  some- 
thing that  I  am  sure  you  would  not  wish  your  wives  and  families 
to  hoar.  I  am  going  to  lay  all  my  cards  on  the  table,  but  I  must 
reserve  one  card  for  myself.  Now,  men,  Sinn  Fein  has  had  all 
the  sport  up  to  the  present,  and  we  are  going  to  have  the  sport 
now.  The  police  have  done  splendid  work  considering  the  odds 
against  them.  The  police  are  not  sufficiently  strong  to  do  any- 
thing but  hold  their  barracks.  This  is  not  enough,  for  as  long 
as  we  remain  on  the  defensive  so  long  will  Sinn  Fein  have  the 
whip  hand.  We  must  take  the  offensive  and  beat  Sinn  Fein  with 
its  own  tactics.  Martial  law  applying  to  all  Ireland  is  coming  into 
operation  shortly.  I  am  promised  as  many  troops  from  England 
as  I  require;  thousands  are  coming  daily.  I  am  getting  7,000 
police  from  England. 

"Now,  men,  what  I  wish  to  explain  to  you  is  that  you  are 
to  strengthen  your  comrades  in  the  out  stations.  If  a  police  bar- 
racks is  burned  or  if  the  barracks  already  occupied  is  not  suit- 
able, then  the  best  house  in  the  locality  is  to  be  commandeered, 


70  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

the  occupants  thrown  out  in  the  gutter.  Let  them  die  there,  the 
-^  more  the  merrier.  You  must  go  out  six  nights  a  week  at  least 
and  get  out  of  the  barracks  by  the  back  door  or  a  skylight  so  you 
won't  be  seen.  Police  and  military  will  patrol  the  country  roads 
at  least  five  nights  a  week.  They  are  not  to  confine  themselves 
to  the  main  roads  but  take  across  the  country,  lie  in  ambush,  take 
cover  behind  fences  near  the  roads,  and  when  civilians  are  seen 
approaching  shout  'Hands  up.'  Should  the  order  be  not  obeyed 
shoot,  and  shoot  with  effect.  If  the  persons  approaching  carry 
their  hands  in  their  pockets  or  are  in  any  way  suspicious  look- 
ing, shoot  them  down.  You  may  make  mistakes  occasionally 
and  innocent  persons  may  be  shot,  but  that  cannot  be  helped 
and  you  are  bound  to  get  the  right  persons  sometimes.  The  more 
you  shoot  the  better  I  will  like  you ;  and  I  assure  you  that  no 
policeman  will  get  into  trouble  for  shooting  any  man,  and  I  will 
guarantee  that  your  names  will  not  be  given  at  the  inquest. 
Hunger  strikers  will  be  allowed  to  die  in  jail,  the  more  the  mer- 
rier. Some  of  them  have  died  already,  and  a  damn  bad  job  they 
were  not  all  allowed  to  die.  As  a  matter  of  fact  some  of  them 
have  already  been  dealt  with  in  a  manner  their  friends  will  never 
hear  about.  An  emigrant  ship  will  be  leaving  an  Irish  port  soon 
with  lots  of  Sinn  Feiners  on  board.  I  assure  you,  men,  it  will 
never  land.  That  is  nearly  all  I  have  to  say  to  you.  We  want 
your  assistance  in  carrying  out  this  scheme  of  wiping  out  Sinn 
Fein.  A  man  who  is  not  prepared  to  do  so  is  a  hindrance  rather 
than  a  help  to  us,  and  he  had  better  leave  the  job  at  once." 

Colonel  Smyth  then  asked  each  one  of  us  individually  if  he  was 
piepaxed  to  carry  out  these  orders  and  (.-ooperate.  As  each  man  v/as 
asked  the  question  he  referred  Colonel  Smyth  to  our  spokesman  Con- 
stable Mee,  whom  we  had  previously  appointed  in  case  such  a  de- 
mand as  this  were  made  upon  us,  as  we  had  heard  that  the  new 
military  officials  were  going  to  make  such  a  demand.  Constable  Mee 
stepped  from  the  line  and  addressed  Colonel  Smyth:  "Sir,  by  your 
accent  I  take  it  that  you  are  an  Englishman  who  in  your  ignorance 
forgets  that  you  are  addressing  Irishmen."  Constable  Mee  took  off 
his  cap,  belt  and  bayonet  and  laid  them  on  the  table.  "These,  too, 
are  English,"  he  said,  "and  you  can  have  them.  And  to  hell  with 
you.     You  are  a  murderer." 

At  a  signal  from  Colonel  Smyth,  Constable  Mee  was  immediately 
seized  and  placed  under  arrest,  and  the  entire  twenty-five  of  us  rushed 
to  his  assistance  and  released  him.  We  informed  Colonel  Smyth  that 
if  another  hand  were  laid  upon  our  spokesman  either  then  or  in  the 
future  that  the  room  would  run  red  with  blood.  Colonel  Smyth  there- 
upon fled  into  another  room,  barred  the  door  and  remained  for  sev- 
eral hours.  We  sent  a  messenger  in  to  him  to  demand  a  guaranty 
that  Constable  Mee  would  not  be  held  to  account  at  any  time  for  the 
remarks  made  on  our  behalf,  and  before  he  left  that  day  Colonel 
Smyth  gave  us  that  guaranty.  Afterwards  Inspector-General  Tudor 
sent  out  and  asked  to  have  an  interview  with  us,  and  when  we  said 
we  would  see  him  he  came  out  and  shook  hands  with  each  man  and 
told  us  to  keep  our  heads,  that  everything  was  all  right. 

There  was  considerable  talk  about  resignations  and  fourteen  of 
us  who  were  unmarried  men  turned  in  our  resignations  as  members 
of  the  R.  I.  C.  that  day.  These  resignations  were  not  accepted.  After- 
wards we  fourteen  made  a  signed  statement  of  the  remarks  of  Colonel 
Smyth  and  sent  it  to  The  Freeman's  Journal,  a  newspaper  published 


PHYSICAL  CONSEUUENCES  TO  THE  BRITISH         71 

at  Dublin,  with  the  request  that  an  official  investigation  be  made. 
There  was  considerable  demand  for  an  official  investigation  of  Colonel 
Smyth's  remarks,  but  no  such  investigation  was  ever  ordered  or  made, 
and  the  military  police  and  civil  authorities  did  nothing  whatever 
about  it.* 

While  the  Commission  was  in  executive  session  on  November  21, 
1920,   the   press   reported    the   assassination   of    fourteen    British   offi- 
cers in  bedrooms  of   hotels  and  boarding  houses   in 
Dublin.    Later  in  the  same  day  Imperial  British  forces         Assassination 

tired  on  a  football  crowd  at  Croke  Park,  Dublin,  pre-  5L„ 

11-  r         1  r     1         rr  Officers 

sumably  m  vengeance  tor  the  assassmation  ot  the  om-  jn  Dublin 

cers.     From  attested  British  press  reports  placed  in 

evidence,  it  would  appear  that  one  Teeling,  an  Irish  Republican,  was 

arrested  and  tried  for  the  murder  of  one  of  these  officers,  a  Lieutenant 

Angliss ;  and  that  Angliss  was  living  as  a  civilian  in  the  house  where  he 

was  slain  under  the  assumed  name  of  Mr.  MacMahon.     Another  was  a 

Captain  Baggley,  and  a  third,  a  Lieutenant  Ames,  all  of  the  British 

Intelligence   Service.     Thus  it  would  seem  that  at  least  three  of   the 

British  officers  slain  were  part  of  the  Imperial  Secret  Service  in  Ireland, 

and  their  discriminate  assassination  seems  to  indicate  a  planned  attack 

by  Irish  Republicans  on  the  British  Secret  Service. 

Mr.  Morgan,  Commissioner  of  Thurles,  testified  that  a  member  of 
the  R.  I.  C.  had  been  slain  there.  He  disclaimed  all  knowledge  of  the 
cause  and  of  the  perpetrators  of  this  assassination. 

There  is  also  record,  though  meager,  of  the  assassina-       Miscellaneous 
,1  ,  ^    ,       „    .  .  ,     .  ^,  Assassinations 

tion  ot  another  member  of  the  British  forces  at  1  bur- 
ies; and  of  similar  incidents  at  Galway  (one),  at  Feakle  (two),  at  Cork 
(one),  at  Abbey feale  (one),  and  at  Miltown-Malbay  (one).  At  the  last 
mentioned  village  a  Captain  Lendrum  was  arrested,  put  to  death,  and 
sent  back  to  the  local  British  Headquarters  in  a  coffin.  We  learned 
from  testimony  regarding  the  killing  of  John  Sherlock  of  Skerries,  an 
Irish  Republican,  by  British  agents,  that  one  Penstraw,  who  is  alleged  to 
have  acted  as  guide  to  the  British  at  the  sack  of  Balbriggan,  had  been 
assassinated  there  about  a  month  later.  Altogether  we  have  been  able 
to  trace  thirty  assassinations  of  members  of  the  Imperial  British 
forces,  presumably  at  the  hands  of  the  Irish  (five  accused  with  Swanzy 
of  the  murder  of  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain,  Smyth,  fourteen  officers  in 
Dublin,  two  at  Thurles  and  the  others  noted). 

"Among  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary,"  testified  Miss  MacSwiney, 
"was  a  division  known  as  the  G  Division.  Their  work  was  purely 
detective  work.  Since  1916  the  police  in  that  G  Division  were  very 
active.  They  were  Irishmen,  but  that  only  makes  them  greater  sin- 
ners. The  information  that  they  gathered— from  girls  . 
they  met  and  others — led  very  often  to  the  arrest  and  ^'^^ 
imprisonment  of  their  fellow  countrymen.     Therefore  they  were  spies. 

*  Vide   further   Apprendices   E.   and   F. 


2    -; 
■2    m 


PHYSICAL  CONSEQUENCES  TO  THE  BRITISH         71 

No  unarmed  policeman  has  been  shot  in  Ireland  unless  he  has  been 
proven  a  spy.  The  private  correspondence  of  Lord  French,  captured 
from  time  to  time,  has  been  conclusive  evidence  that  there  are  spies 
at  work  among:  us."  The  "overt  act"  which  led  to  the  war  on  them 
was  "the  extraordinary  activity  of  the  English  Secret  Service,  when 
they  started  to  get  information  about  our  people  and  running  them 
down  and  gathering  information  about  our  courts."  Miss  Wilkinson 
also  spoke  concerning  these  spies,  and  Mrs.  Michael  Mohan  reported 
the  detection  by  Irish  Volunteers  of  "one  spy  who  was  getting  thirty 
pounds  for  sending  information.  And  then  at  night  there  were  police 
going  around  with  rubber  soles  on  their  shoes  and  slipping  circulars 
under  the  doors  offering  rewards  for  information.  They  put  them 
under  the  doors  while  the  people  are  in  bed.  They  can  give  their 
own  private  code  and  if  the  information  proves  satisfactory  they 
are   paid   for   it." 

Tangney,  an  ex-member  of  the  R.  I.  C,  testified  to  being  shot 
at  for  refusal  to  guide  a  Black  and  Tan  to  the  house  of  an  Irish 
Republican,  marked  down  for  assassmation.  Penstraw  w^as  said  to  have 
been  shot  as  a  spy.  48,474  raids  were  made  by  armed  British  forces  in 
1920  on  Irish  homes,  and  such  activity  connotes  a  very  active  British 
espionage  system. 

POLICY  OF  ASSASSINATION 

The  assassination  of  members  of  the  British  Forces  began  in 
1919,  after  three  years  of  the  British  terror  in  Ireland,  and  has  since 
proceeded  intermittently,  and  still  continues.  With  the  exception  of 
the  shooting  of  the  British  officers  (one  of  whom  was  Lieutenant 
Angliss)  in  Dublin,  on  November  21,  1920,  the  victims  of  the  assassina- 
tions of  which  we  have  cognizance  were  isolated  individuals,  not  groups. 
No  women  or  children,  priests  or  ministers,  or  prisoners  of  war  seem 
to  have  suflfered.  These  assassinations  have  occurred  all  over  Ireland, 
from  Lisburn  to  Cork,  from  Dublin  to  Galway.  They  have  been  car- 
ried out  under  the  most  public  circumstances  and  within  the  very 
shadow  of  Dublin  Castle,  a  mockery  and  a  defiance  of  British  rule. 
And  ofificers  of  high  rank  in  the  British  system  of  Imperial  authority 
have  been  numbered  among  the  victims.  The  assassinations  of  Swanzy 
and  Smyth  and  the  kidnaping  of  General  Lucas  seem  to  indicate  to  us 
that  a  nation-wide  organization,  wth  a  very  perfect  secret  service,  and 
with  disciplined  men  to  execute  its  orders,  must  have  been  created  in 
Ireland  to  make  such  punitive  measures  possible.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  this  is  a  British  organization.  It  would  seem  to  exist  in  spite  of 
the  British  efforts  to  suppress  it  and  to  be  continuing  to  function  with 
efTectiveness.  Under  these  circumstances  it  would  appear  that  the 
Imperial  authorities  are  not  free  from  responsibility  for  the  failure 
to  take  proper  precautions  to  safeguard  their  officers  in  Ireland. 

"The  British  troops,"  says  Mrs.  Robinson,  "must  go  about  from 
point  to  point  sometimes  in  quite  small  bodies.  The  policemen  have 
also  done  that.     And  that  has   made   it  comparatively   simple   for  a 


74  AMERICAN  COxMMlSSlON  ON  IRELAND 

member,  say  of  some  secret  society  in  Ireland,  if  some  sucli  society 
exists,  or  any  Sinn  Feiner,  if  he  feels  exasperated — it  provides  op- 
portunity for  the  murders  that  have  occurred.  Many  of  us  have 
felt  that  it  was  a  very  unfortunate  method  for  the  distribution  of 
the  troops  in  Ireland." 

No  political  opponent  of  the  Irish  Republic  is  alleged  to  have 
suffered  in  person  for  his  opinions.  The  organization  seemingly  exists 
for  punitive  and  deterrent  assassinations ;  and  would  appear  to  consist 
necessarily  of  Irish  citizens.  Miss  MacSwiney  and  other  witnesses 
have  testified  to  the  efforts  made  by  Irish  leaders  to  constrain  Irish 
citizens  to  endure  in  patience  and  of  the  success  of  these  efforts  for 
three  years  in  spite  of  increasing  terrorism.  We  have  evidence  also  of 
the  difficulties  under  which  the  Irish  Republic  functions,  so  that  it  can 
not  perfectly  protect  its  own  citizens  or  conduct  its  proper  business. 
It  is  therefore  hard  to  determine  the  degree  to  which  the  Irish  Repub- 
lican Government  is  responsible  for  the  policy  of  assassination  or 
"execution."  The  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  General  Lucas,  who 
ordered  the  shooting  of  Sinn  Feiners  summarily  with  machine  guns, 
the  rescue  of  Teeling  and  the  justification  of  the  Dublin  killings  by  a 
responsible  Republican  leader,  would,  however,  seem  to  us  to  indicate 
that  the  official  disclaimer  of  Irish  Republican  responsibility  must  rest 
on  a  technicality.  And  the  punitive  and  deterrent  assassinations  which 
we  have  noted  would  seem  to  be  an  organized  part  of  the  defense  of 
the  Irish  Republic  and  a  function  of  its  army,  or  of  some  special  branch 
of  it.  In  this  opinion  we  are  strengthened  by  the  placing  in  evidence 
of  an  attested  copy  of  Tlic  Manchester  Guardian  of  December  13,  1920, 
containing  a  proclamation  alleged  to  have  l)een  issued  by  the  Officer 
Commanding  the  forces  of  the  Irish  Republic  in  the  County  of  Mo- 
naghan,  and  dated  Headquarters,  December  3,  1920 : 

Whereas  in  several  districts  in  my  command  armed  gangs  of 
men  patrol  the  public  roads  at  night  and  open  fire,  with  murderous 
intent,  on  people  pursuing  their  ordinary  avocation,  and 

Whereas  one  of  such  gangs  has  perpetrated  a  most  odious  and 
brutal  murder,  and  several  others  have  attempted  murder,  the  public 
must  at  once  lealize  that  Ireland  is  in  a  state  of  war  with  the  forces 
of  the  British  Crown,  and,  while  we  extend  the  hand  of  friendship 
to  all  Irishmen,  armed  murder  gangs  aggressive  to  the  I.  R.  A.,  also 
guides  and  informers  for  the  enemy  forces,  shall  be  summarily  dealt 
with  as  opportunity  offers; 

Further,  be  it  known  that  the  recent  raids  for  arms  by  the  I.  R.  A. 
were  carried  out  in  compliance  with  an  all-Ireland  Order  to  collect 
all  arms  without  distinction  of  the  owners'  creed  or  class,  in  anticipa- 
tion of  a  general  collection  by  the  British  Government  forces; 

The  license  to  collect  only  extended  for  a  period  of  twenty-four 
hours  in  each  brigade,  no  more  force  was  used  than  was  necessary, 
a  receipt  v/ill  be  given  for  all  arms  taken,  and  these  will  be  returned 
when  circumstances  permit; 

This  was  made  clear  at  the  time  to  all  parties  concerned.  Con- 
sequently,   no    section    of   the    people    (other    than    those    referred    to 


PHYSICAL  CUNSEyUENCES  TO  THE  BRITISH         71 

above)   need  entertain  any  fear  of  interference  with  person  or  prop- 
erty, on  the  contrary,  the  I.  R.  A.  recognizes  it  as  a  part  of  its  duty  to 
offer  protection  to  all.      By  order.      O.   C,  Co.  Monaghan. 
Headquarters,    3rd    December,    1920. 

It  has  been  testified  before  us  that  these  assassinations  are  execu- 
tions by  Irish  RepubHcan  agents  of  justice,  implying  legal  condemnation 
delivered  after  trial ;  and  that  such  members  of  the 

Imperial  British  forces  as  are  executed  in  this  man-          Trial  Before 
^  .  Assassination 

ner  are  informers  and  spies,  provocateurs  and  mtir- 

derers.  While  evidence  of  murder  of  Irish  women  and  children  has  been 
submitted  to  us,  no  transcript  of  such  alleged  trials  of  the  perpetrators 
has  been  offered  to  justify  any  of  the  killings  noted  by  us,  of  British 
officers ;  and  except  in  the  case  of  Smyth  and  to  some  extent  in  the 
cases  of  Svvanzy,  Angliss  and  his  fellow-officers,  and  Penstraw  the  evi- 
dence placed  before  us  is  too  meager  to  permit  generalization  as  to  the 
character  or  duties  of  the  particular  persons  slain. 

The  absence  of  the  acctised,  with  perhaps  the  exception  of  Captain 
Lendrum,  from  such  trials  would  appear  to  us  as  regrettable  as  it  is 
usual,  and  necessarily  to  condemn  the  procedure  as 
unjust;   and   even   if    we   admit   the   presumption   of      Regrettable  Cir- 
guilt,    we    would    still    the    more    earnestly    deprecate      .  .     .. 

^         '  _  J  i-  Assassinations 

these   "executions."     Their   power  as  a   deterrent   to 
evil  seems  to  us  insignificant  when  compared  with  the  weakness  inherent 
in  their  haphazard  nature.     In  the  Dublin  assassinations  some  of  the 
British  officers  seem  to  have  been  identified  merely  by  the  occupancy 
of  rooms. 

It  would  seem  that  assassination  in  the  presence  of  relatives  occurred 
certainly  in  the  case  of  one  of  the  British  officers  in  Dublin.  The  testi- 
mony of  the  Misses  Walsh,  Mr.  Morgan  and  others  regarding  the  mur- 
ders of  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain,  Patrick  Walsh.  James  Lynch,  John 
Sherlock,  the  Bantry  hunchback  boy,  Thomas  Dwyer,  and  others  shows 
that  assassination  in  the  midst  of  the  family  was  a  British  practice  in 
Ireland.  It  would  appear  to  us  that  to  copy  this  British  practice  in 
Ireland  can  have  the  effect  only  of  degrading  the  Irish  people  and  their 
cause.  We  would  be  glad  to  think  that  the  instance  we  have  mentioned 
of  this  practice  by  the  Irish  is  unique  and  will  not  be  duplicated. 

Erom  the  scanty  material  at  our  disposal  it  is  diffictilt  to  estimate 
the  effect  of  these  assassinations  upon  the  Irish  cause.     Assassinations 
would  appear  to  be  an  imreliable  method  of  removing 
specific  criminals  and  ending  their  harmf ulness.     The      Effect  of  ^ 
gaps   left  in  high  places   can  always   be   filled.     The 
removal  of  Swanzy  and  Smyth  has  brought  in  more  Swanzys  and  more 
Smyths. 

It  would  seem  to  have  discotiraged  certain  of  the  lower  ranks. 
The  testimony  before  us  shows  the  resignation  of  abotit  500  members 


76  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

of  the  R.  1.  C,  perhaps  not  wholly  unconnected  with  the  danger  of 
their  duties,  as  expounded  by  Smyth,  Lucas,  Dcasey  and  other  com- 
manders. But  the  places  of  those  who  resigned  have  been  filled  up  by 
Englishmen  necessarily  less  familiar  with  the  country,  but  as  the  evi- 
dence showed,  seemingly  more  ruthless. 

According  to  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Ginnell,  corroborated  by  D.  E. 
Crowley,  a  former  member  of  the  R.  L  C. : 

A  rowaid  of  ten  thousand  pounds,  or  about  forty  thousand  dollars, 
was  offered  by  the  English  Government  in  every  part  of  the  city  of 
Dublin,  especially  in  the  poor  slums,  for  certain  infoi'mation  and 
for  certain  men,  dead  or  alive;  and  the  reward  was  never  claimed, 
although  hundreds  among  those  people  knew  where  the  ma.n  named 
could  be  found.  The  expression  that  a  man  was  to  be  found  "dead 
or  alive"'  mtant  that  he  might  be  shot  at  sight,  and  that  the  rewai-d 
would  be  given  to  the  person  who  shot  him  and  pi-oducod  the  body. 
That  was  the  meaning  of  it.  It  was  an  incitement  to  murder.  It 
was   a    license   to   kill. 

The  fidelity  of  certain  people  was  doubtless  favored  and  the 
cupidity  of  spies  discouraged  by  the  danger  of  assassination  which 
waited  for  informers.  I'he  security  of  Irish  leaders  may  thus  have 
been  enhanced,  but  at  the  cost  of  the  security  of  the  general  population 
to  an  extent  demonstrably  greater  than  leadership  alone  could  make 
good.  Such  immediate  success  as  this  policy  seemed  to  achieve  aj)- 
pears  to  us  of  doubtful  value  compared  with  its  demonstrated  failure 
both  to  safeguard  the  lives  of  the  Irish  people  in  Ireland,  and  to  sustain 
the  moral  appeal  of  the  Irish  cause  in  other  lands.  We  would  point  out 
the  difficulty  of  controlling  this  policy  of  secret  tribunal  and  summary 
execution;  and  the  tendency  of  it  to  extend  its  scope  to  include  not  only 
enemies  but  also  envied  friends  of  the  Irish  cause. 

The  Imperial  British  forces  in  Ireland  have  sufifered  three  cate- 
gories of  castialties,  totaling  apparently  not  more  than  600:  (1)  acci- 
dental, incidental,  and  disciplinary  casualties;  (2) 
Summary  casualties  incurred  in  regular  military  operations ;  and 

(3)   casualties  due  to  discriminate  assassination. 

Of  the  casualties  in  the  first  category  we  hold  the  Irish  people 
guiltless. 

The  casualties  in  the  second  category,  inflicted  by  the  Irish  in  mili- 
tary operations,  which  they  appear  to  have  conducted  honorably,  and 
upon  the  legality  of  which  we  are  debarred  from  passing,  seem  to  re- 
f|uire  from  us  only  the  same  expression  of  our  sympathy  with  the  rela- 
tives which  we  sincerely  proffer  to  all  victims  of  the  war  in  Ireland. 

We  hold  that  the  British  have  incurred  casualties  in  the  third 
category,  and  in  so  far  as  those  assassinated  were  spies,  provocateurs, 
and  murderers,  and  as  such  were  conscientiously  fulfilling  their  ap- 
pointed duties  as  British  agents,  we  hold  the  British  Government  negli- 
gent in  failing  adequately  to  protect  its  agents  to  whom  it  assigned  such 


Photo  Central  News   Service 

EXHIBIT    26 

CORK  REPRISALS.     SOLDIERS  AND  MEMBERS  OF  THE  R.  I.  C.  SAMPL- 
ING  THE    CONTENTS  OF  A  SHOP  BEFORE  IT  WAS  BLOWN  UP. 


78  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

dangerous  duties.  We  are  of  the  opinion  that  these  discriminate 
casualties  are  sustained  at  the  hands  of  organized  citizens  of  the  Irish 
RepubHc,  acting  allegedly  as  an  extra-governmental  body  at  war  with 
the  special  enemies  of  Irish  peace  and  security.  But  in  so  far  as  the 
Government  of  the  Irish  Republic  is  responsible  for  the  acts  of  its  citi- 
zens, it  would  seem  to  us  to  be  responsible  for  these  deplorable  assassi- 
nations, and  to  suffer  because  of  them  in  the  public  opinion  of  the 
world. 

We  further  find  that  in  the  four  years  since  the  Irish  Revolution, 
the  British  casualties  have  averaged  not  more  than  twenty-six  hun- 
dredths of  one  per  cent,  per  annum  of  the  forces  engaged  and  in  no 
year  exceeded  3  per  1,000  of  these  forces.  These  figures  would  seem 
to  us  to  indicate  a  spirit  of  restraint  in  the  Irish  people. 


CHAPTER   VI 

Moral  Consequences  to  the  Imperial 
British  Forces 

THE  IMPERIAL  BRITISH  SOLDIER 

IT  would  appear  to  voiir  Commission  that  the  official  campaign  of  mur- 
der, arson,  and  repression  has  had  an  unfortunate  effect  upon  the 
moral  fiber  of  the  forces  engaged  in  it.  Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan 
and  others  testified  that  it  has  been  fashionable  for  the  soldiers  and 
police,  careering  through  the  cities  and  villages,  to  hang  over  the  sides 
of  the  lorries,  their  rifles  pointed  at  the  passers-by.  Apart  from  any 
deliberate  intention  to  shoot  the  citizenry,  this  bullying  practice  would 
seem  to  us  contrary  to  British  tradition.  Deaths  result  from  it.  And 
someimes  these  deaths  seem  scarcely  accidental. 

Mr.  Broderick  of  Chicago  was  in  Abbey feale  when  a  passing  Black 
and  Tan  killed  two  boys  leading  their  cows  to  pasture.    The  shooting  of 
Mrs.  Ouinn,  an  expectant  mother,  we  mention,  but  re- 
frain from  discussing  because  it  was  deplored  by  Brit-  Murder 
ish  authority.* 

Numerous  examples  of  wanton  slaying  or  wounding  were  brought 
before  us,  including  the  shooting  even  of  dumb  animals,  dogs  and 
cattle. 

At  the  sack  of  Balbriggan,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Mr.  John 
Derham.  one  of  the  places  burned  was  a  dairy  run  by  a  Mrs.  Cochran. 
When    the    raiders    entered,    Mrs.    Cochran    ran    into 
the  yard  leaving  behind  her  two  little  boys  of  ten  and  epravi  y 

twelve  years.     The   Imperial   "police"  made  the  boys  dress  and  took 
them  through  the  house  to  witness  the  smashins:  of  household  effects. 


*  "Mr.  Mosley  (House  of  Commons,  November  25th,  1920)  asked  the  Chief 
Secretary  for  Ireland  whether  Mrs.  Eileen  Quinn,  of  Kiltartan,  County  Galway. 
was  killed  by  a  shot  filed  from  a  passing  po'ice  lorry  on  1st  November,  1920, 
while  sitting  on  a  wall  in  broad  daylight  wii"  a  child  in  her  arms;  whether 
he  will  state  the  distance  between  this  wall  and  the  road  from  which  the  shot 
was  fired;  whether  the  position  of  Mrs.  Quinn  at  the  time  she  was  shot  was 
in  full  view  of  the  road;  whether  the  police  occupying  the  lorry  in  question 
were  called  as  witnesses  at  the  court  of  inquiry;  how  many  rounds  of  am- 
munition were  fired  by  the  occupants  of  this  lorry  in  the  course  of  their  jour- 
ney; and  how  far  away  was  the  nearest  point  at  which  murders  of  soldiers  and 
policemen  had  occurred   to  the   scene  of  Mrs.  Quinn's  death. 

"Sir  H.  Greenwood:  A  military  court  of  inquiry  was  held  into  this  deplor- 
able affair  and  found  that  the  cause  of  death  was  misadventure.  I  am  not  pre- 
pared to  reopen  the  inquiry  by  entering  into  a  discussion  of  points  of  evidence  all 
of  which  were  fully  considered  by  the  court."     (Loc.  cit.,  vol.  135,  cols.  619-620.) 

79 


MORAL  CONSEQUENCES  TO  THE  BRITISH  81 

After  this  sport,  they  led  the  children  down  the  street  "to  see  Derham's 
house  afire."  Then  they  took  them  back  to  their  own  yard  and  told 
them  to  sit  on  a  hay  rick  there  "to  warm  themselves."  The  "police" 
thereupon  poured  petrol  over  the  rick  and  set  fire  to  it,  and  then  burned 
down  the  Cochran  house. 

The   degrading  etTect  of   their   duty   upon   the   criminally-minded 
among  the  Imperial  British  forces  has  led  to  innumerable  assaults  upon 
priests,  women,  children  and  the  aged.     Miss  Anna 
Walsh  testified  that  pedestrians  had  come  running  into  oggmg 

her  store  at  Cork  to  escape  from  Black  and  Tans  who  were  scourging 
the  passers-by.  In  Queenstown,  John  Charles  Clarke,  an  American, 
witnessed  the  flogging,  to  the  efifusion  of  blood,  of  Irish  citizens  by  a 
khaki-clad  person.  Thomas  Nolan  testified  that  from  the  house  he 
stayed  at  in  Galway  a  young  man  was  taken  out  by  soldiers  and  flogged. 
And  an  editorial  from  the  Manchester  Guardian  of  October  19,  1920, 
was  placed  in  evidence,  concerning  the  stripping  and  flogging  by  uni- 
formed British  soldiers  of  more  than  a  score  of  the  villagers  of  Corofin 
and  Cummer  in  Galway. 

Besides  encouraging  brutality,  the  "duties"  of  the  Imperial  British 
forces  in  Ireland  seem  destructive  of  British  honesty.  The  testimony 
before  us  shows  that  for  some  time  thieving  has  been  _. .     . 

1  ill6VlIl£r 

a  common  activity  of  the  British  forces  in  Ireland. 

Daniel  J.  Broderick  (American)  testified  to  seeing  three  Black 
and  Tans  help  themselves  to  liquors,  cigarettes  and  food  in  a  public 
house  kept  by  a  widow,  a  Mrs.  Macauley,  in  Abbeyfeale.  "They  told 
the  woman,  as  they  left,  that  she  should  be  glad  they  did  not  take  the 
till." 

John  Derham,  Town  Councillor  of  Balbriggan,  in  his  testimony 
on  the  wrecking  of  that  town  by  the  police,  stated : 

Two  grocery  stores  they  looted  and  razed;  threw  the  p... 

tea  and  sugar  and  soap  and  candles  and  everything  on 
the   floor  about  three  feet   high;   tramped   over  it;   and   pulled    things- 
out  in  the  pa,ssage  to  destroy  what  they  did  not  set  fire  to. 

Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan  testified  that  houses  raided  were  com- 
monly looted.    In  Cork  he  stated  that  from  the  beginning  of  the  year  up 
to  December  10th,  1920,  apart  from  places  aboslutely 
destroyed,  "at  a  very  moderate  estimate"  fifty  estab-  °°  *"^ 

lishments  had  been  attacked  and  looted  by  the  Imperial  forces.  Miss 
Susanna  Walsh  testified  that  a  few  days  after  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain's 
death  his  business  establishment  was  looted  by  the  military. 

The  prevalence  of  this  practice  would  almost  seem  to  indicate  that 
it  was  not  discouraged  by  those  in  authority.     Indeed,  the  looters  some- 
times arrived  provided  with  vehicles  to  transport  their 
spoil,  and  openly  carried  it  off.     Miss  Craven  testified  Transporting 

to  the  looting  of  Michael  Walsh's  house  and  shop  at 
Galway  by  raiders  a   few  nights   before   he   was   murdered.       "They 


MORAL  CONSEQUENCES  TO  THE  BRITISH  83 

destroyed  practically  everything.  They  had  lorries  outside,  and  they 
took  the  tobacco  and  cigarettes  and  sugar  and  candles  and  different 
things  like  that.     They  also  took  the  liquors." 

The  loot  was  occasionally  a  perquisite  of  murder.  Thomas  Nolan 
of  Galway,  who  was  with  Walsh  the  night  he  was  killed,  testified  that 
some  of  the  men  who  took  Walsh  away  came  back  to  the  murdered 
man's  home  and  made  off  with  Walsh's  overcoat  and  a  liberal  supply 
of  cigarettes. 

Sean  Courtney  of  Cork  sent  a  sworn  statement  that  his  house  was 
raided  at  2  A.  M.  on  October  28th,  1920.  He  was  dragged  out  by  men 
who  threatened  to  kill  him.  When  he  was  allowed  to  go  he  returned 
to  his  home  and  found  it  had  been  looted.  Silver  and  household 
articles  had  disappeared. 

In  the  following  instance,  an  officer  interrogated  the  householder 
while  his  men  removed  her  goods.  Mrs.  Eamon  Coughlin  of  Cork,  wife 
of  Alderman  Coughlin.  made  a  sworn  statement  of  a  raid  on  her  home 
and  shop  by  the  military  at  4:45  A.  M.,  November  27th,  1920.  "I 
found  the  following  goods  missing,  looted  of  course  by  his  companions 
downstairs  while  the  leader  was  questioning  me :  About  £20  to  £25 
worth  of  cigarettes,  about  £7  worth  of  tobacco,  and  various  other  things, 
such  as  cocoa,  etc." 

When  complaints  were  made  to  the  competent  military  authority, 
assurances  were  sometimes  received  in  lieu  of  restitution  or  redress. 
The   sworn   statement   of    Mrs.    George    O'Grady   of 
Rochestown,  County  Cork,  told  of  a  raid  on  her  home  ssurances 

by  police  and  military,  March  20th,  1920.  She  kept  poultry  and  her 
season's  egg  money,  £63,  was  all  taken.  Her  husband  deposed  that  he 
complained  to  Sir  Hamar  Greenwood,  to  the  General  Officer  Command- 
ing in  Cork,  and  to  General  Macready,  about  the  robbery,  and  received 
assurances  from  all  three  that  nothing  had  been  touched  in  the  house. 

And  sometimes  to  the  value  of  such  assurances,  another  raid  was 
added.  Timothy  Horgan  of  Cork  sent  a  sworn  statement  of  a  raid  on 
his  barber  shop  by  the  military,  August  29th,  1920.  All  his  razors  were 
stolen,  money  equivalent  to  $18  and  other  articles  to  a  total  value  of 
$290.  In  reply  to  his  complaint  to  the  military  commander,  he  received 
the  written  assurance  of  an  Imperial  British  Staff  Captain  that  noth- 
ing had  been  taken.  His  home  was  then  raided  September  13th,  and 
jewelry  and  other  articles  stolen. 

A  not  uncommon  form  of  robbery  was  practiced  on  men  assaulted 
and  dragged  from  their  homes  during  raids.  A  typical  instance  of  this 
was  described  by  Miss  Craven  of  Washington,  D.  C.  Robbing 
Miss  Craven  was  visiting  her  parents  at  Headford,  Prisoners  with 
County  Galway,  when  Black  and  Tans  raided  the  house  Violence 
at  noon  on  September  17th,  1920,  and  dragged  away  her  younger 
brother,  who  was  not  connected  with  the  Sinn  Fein  organization,  though 


84  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

an  older  boy  was  a  Volunteer.  His  parents  found  him  on  the  road  later, 
beaten  and  bruised,  with  two  of  his  teeth  knocked  out.  His  watch  and 
seventeen  shillings  had  been  stolen.  During  the  raid  some  money  and 
small  gold  pins  were  stolen  in  the  house. 

The  habit  of  looting  and  robbing  the  raided  in  their  homes  seems  to 
have  inculcated  the  practice  of   highway  robbery.      According  to  the 
testimony,  it  was  an  ordinary  event  in  several  cities,  par- 
j,'?,^*^  ticularly  Cork,  for  pedestrians  to  be  held  up  and  robbed 

on  the  streets  by  soldiers  or  police.  Lord  Mayor 
O'Callaghan  testified  that  the  Black  and  Tans  were  particular  offenders 
in  this  respect:  'T'assing  on  the  streets,  these  men  challenge  the  passers- 
by  and  order  them  to  hold  up  their  hands  while  their  pockets  are  gone 
through.  In  many  cases  all  the  contents  of  their  pockets  are  stolen, 
any  money  especially." 

.  A  sworn  deposition  of  a  typical  highway  robbery  was  presented 
to  the  Commission  from  John  Creed,  56  Grattan  Street.  Cork.  On  the 
evening  of  December  10th,  1920,  he  was  held  up  by  two  men  wearing 
light  raincoats  and  soft  felt  hats — the  ordinary  mufti  of  the  Black  and 
Tans.  They  carried  revolvers,  and  pointing  them  at  him  they  demanded 
"Hands  up!"  and  searched  him,  taking  nearly  $100  which  he  had  on 
his  person.  The  man  who  took  the  money  had  a  decided  English 
accent. 

Highway  robbery  would  seem  to  have  been  part  of  the  regular  daily 
routine   of    some  of   the   Imperial    British    forces.       Harold   Johnson, 
American  sailor  on  the  steamship  Westcannon,  testi- 
fied that  tlie  hold-ups  in  Cork  would  start  about  3  :30 
Highway  in  the  afternoon.     He  used  to  go  out  to  watch  them. 

Stated*'Hour  Emil  Pezolt,  his  shipmate,  an  American,  testified  that 

he  was  held  up  and  beaten  by  Black  and  Tans  on  the 
evening  of  the  big  fire ;  his  watch,  about  $30  in  money, 
and  even  his  seaman's  passport  were  stolen. 

John  Charles  Clarke,  American,  testified  to  seeing  men  in  the  R.  I. 

C.  uniform  holding  up  women  at  the  pistol's  point  and  searching  them 

on  the  streets  of  Cork.    He  saw  these  "police"  pull  rings 

Robbing  gff  women's  fingers  and  he  saw  one  of  them  tear  the 

Women  .  ,-  '  ,  r^  r    ^i 

ear-rmgs  trom  a  woman  s  ears.  Une  or  tfie  women 
thus  held  up  was  crying,  and  Mr.  Clarke  testified  that  the  "policeman" 
pointed  his  gun  at  her  saying:  "Shut  up  or  I  will  give  you  the  con- 
tents." 

Daniel  J.  Broderick,  an  American,  told  of  a  raid  on  the  house  of  a 
Mrs.  Hartnebt  at  Abbeyfeale.  Her  boy  was  in  bed  ill  on  the  upper  floor 
Assaults  on  while  the  soldiers  wrecked  the  lower  story  and  set  the 

Women  house  on  fire.   Before  leaving  one  of  the  soldiers  struck 

Mrs.  Hartnebt  over  the  head  with  the  butt  of  a  rifle.  Mr.  Broderick 
saw  the  wound.     It  was  three  or  four  inches  long. 


86  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

The  testimony  shows  that  women  and  girls  have  been  searched 
by  members  of  the  Imperial  British  forces,  the  privacy  of  their  bed- 
rooms has  been  invaded  in  the  dead  of  night,  and  their  hair  cut  off; 
but  in  no  case  has  the  crime  of  rape  been  specifically  charged  by  Irish 
witnesses  before  us  against  the  Imperial  troops.  The  fact  that  for  four 
years  and  a  half  an  army  of  at  least  78,000  British  has  been  occupying 
Ireland  without  provoking  charges  of  major  sensual  offences  against 
Irish  women  is  remarkable.  It  would  seem  to  us  the  one  bright  spot 
in  the  darkness  of  war.  And  it  would  appear  the  more  remarkable  when 
that  army  is  proved  to  contain  drunkards,  highway  robbers,  gunmen 
and  petty  thieves.  It  would  seem  to  your  Commission  that  the  credit 
for  the  sparing  of  Irish  womanhood  must  be  attributed  at  least  in  part 
to  the  officers  commanding  the  Imperial  British  forces  in  Ireland. 
Only  a  drastic  ordinance  against  sexual  crime  could  be  powerful  to  re- 
strain some  of  the  criminals  which  that  army  demonstrably  contains. 
It  would  seem  a  regrettable  corollary  to  the  credit  we  would  like  to 
extend  to  the  Imperial  British  High  Command  for  controlling  the  sen- 
sual licentiousness  of  its  men,  that  we  would  need  equally  to  hold  it 
responsible  for  the  crimes  the  men  are  permitted  to  indulge  in,  some- 
times even  in  the  presence,  if  not  with  the  connivance,  of  subordinate 
officers. 

IMPERIAL  BRITISH  OFFICERS 

The  morals  of  the  British  officer  would  appear  to  us  to  have  suf- 
fered less  than  those  of  the  rank  and  file.*  The  officers  seem  more 
sober  than  the  men.  John  Tangnay,  a  former  member  of  the  R.  I.  C, 
testified  that  County  Inspector  Lowndes  and  the  two  young  military 
officers  in  charge  of  the  party  that  raided  Ballylorby  "got  stupidly 
drunk."  But  Mr.  Dempsey  testified  that  the  officer  at  the  sack  of  Mal- 
low remained  sober.  The  officers  were  also  more  honest.  In  one  case 
testimony  was  adduced  concerning  a  British  Major  stealing  £75.  In 
many  instances  robberies  were  committed  by  troops  under  the  command 
of  officers,  and  in  some  cases  looting  seemed  to  be  specifically  directed, 
and  controlled  by  officers.  The  testimony  concerning  this  aspect  of  the 
British  officers'  behavior  is,  however,  too  fragmentary  to  allow  us  justly 
to  form  general  conclusions. 

It  was.   however,   clearly  proved   that  in  many  cases   the  known 

sportsmanship    of    the    British   officer    had    become    degraded    by    his 

"duties."     We  have  the  deposition  of   Sean  Murphy 

Assault  on  Hunch-of    Brandon    concerning    his    interview    with    James 

D*^i-  Jr\aJ^^        Murphy,  a  hunchback,  who  declares  that  three  British 

British  Officers  ,  . 

officers  beat  him  and  attempted  to  hang  him  in  a  raid 
on  his  home  at  5  :30  A.  M.,  November  10,  1920.  In  his  deposition  Sean 
Murphy  states : 

*  The  Auxiliaries,  called  Cadets,  are  mostly  ex-officers,  serving  in  the  ranks. 


88  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

James  Murphy  is  a  little  hunchback  who  resides  with  his  sister 
who  is  not  very  strong.  I  saw  the  shirt  which  he  was  wearing  that 
morning.  It  was  completely  clotted  with  olood  on  the  front  and 
back.  I  also  saw  the  piece  of  rope.  He  was  in  bed  when  I  saw  him 
and  his  nose  was  very  badly  torn.  He  complained  of  pains  in  his 
head  and  back,  and  as  a  result  of  his  treatment  he  is  very  nervous. 
I  know  James  Murphy  personally.  He  is  a  very  quiet,  inoffensive 
man. 

Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan  presented  the  written  statement  of 
Thomas  Hale,  of  Knockscuvva,  near  Bendon,  County  Cork,  who  with  a 
Torturing  ^^^^  named  Harte,  was  arrested  July  7th,  1920.    Hale 

Prisoners  States : 

When  I  was  undressed  they  strapped  my  hands  behind  my  back 
with  leather  straps,  and  put  them  around  my  neck  and  mouth,  Harte 
was  also  strapped  in  a  similar  position.  I  was  not  in  a  position  to 
defend  myself,  and  Lieutenant  A.  hit  me  several  times  in  the  face  and 
on  the  body.  Captain  B.  said,  "You  have  some  documents  from  the 
Adjutant  General  per  Michael  Collins."  They  dressed  me  again,  tied 
my  hands  behind  my  back  with  leather  straps,  and  also  dressed  Harte. 
Captain  B.  said,  "You  will  be  shot."  They  put  straps  around  my  legs 
as  well  as  round  Harte's  legs. 

Eventually  the  two  men  were  tied  together  and  marched  to  a  lorry, 
prodded  by  bayonets.  Harte  stated  that  he  was  hit  in  the  nose  by  a  gun- 
butt.  They  were  taken  to  the  barracks  in  Bendon  and  then  assaulted 
several  times.  Harte  had  several  teeth  knocked  out.  They  were  lined 
up,  as  if  to  be  shot,  but  were  beaten  instead.  In  the  course  of  trying 
to  extract  information  from  them  about  certain  Republican  leaders. 
Captain  B.  got  a  pair  of  pliers.     Hale's  statement  continues: 

Captain  B.  said,  "What  position  does  your  brother  John  hold  and 
where  is  he  staying?"  1  said,  "I  refuse  to  give  you  any  information 
about  him."  He  then  turned  to  the  officer  whom  he  sent  for  the  pliers, 
and  he  started  bending  and  twisting  my  fingers  at  the  back. 
He  gripped  them  at  the  back,  placing  one  portion  of  the  pincers 
against  one  side  of  my  nail  and  the  other  portion  of  the  pincers 
against  the  other.  He  brought  the  blood  to  the  tops  of  several  of 
my  fingers,  and  for  some  time  afterwards  my  fingers  were  black  on 
the  tops,  owing  to  congealed  blood  there.  I  was  feeling  extremely 
weak,  almost  fainting,  and  the  blood  was  dropping  down  my  legs.  I 
was  asked  several  questions  about  other  individuals  and  about  military 
matters,  but  refused  to  give  any  information. 

Captain  B.  also  put  the  pincers  on  my  thighs,  but  my  senses 
were  becoming  quite  numb. 

Another  officer  then  untied  my  hands  and  told  me  to  pull  up  my 
trousers,  I  did  so  and  my  trousers  were  sopping  wet  with  blood. 
Captain  B.  said,  "The  Court  is  closed  for  the  finding."  He  said, 
"Stand  up,"  as  my  knees  were  somewhat  bending,  "and  we  will  see 
what  a  Tommy  can  do  to  you."  I  was  hit  several  times  in  various 
parts  of  the  body,  but  especially  in  the  face,  and  he  broke  the  four 
teeth  in  my  upper  jaw.  I  was  then  knocked  down  on  the  ground.  I 
was  absolutely  exhausted  and  nearly  fainted,  and  my  senses  were 
beginning  to  go.  He  hit  me  on  several  occasions  while  I  was  on  the 
ground.    After  a  few  minutes  one  of  the  officers  said,  "That's  enough." 


EXHIBIT    31 


Dublin  Evening    Telegraph 


LACERATED    BACK    OF    A   YOUTH    FLOGGED    BY    CADETS    WHILE    A 
PRISONER    AT    PORTOBELLO    BARRACKS,    DUBLIN.      FOR    PUB- 
LISHING THIS  PHOTOGRAPH  WITHOUT  PERMISSION  OF  THE 
IMPERIAL    ARMY    AUTHORITY,    THE    EDITOR    WAS    SEN- 
TENCED   TO    TWO    YEARS'    IMPRISONMENT    BY    A 
MILITARY    TRIBUNAL. 


90  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

I  was  then  dragged  up,  and  led  out  of  the  room.  My  hands  had  not 
been  retied  since  they  had  been  undone  in  order  to  lift  up  my  trousers. 
When  I  got  outside  my  hands  were  tied  up  again  and  the  straps 
fastened  round  my  neck  and  face.     Five  or  six  soldiers  hit  me. 

An  attested  copy  was  submitted  to  us  of  the  following  deposition 
alleged  to  have  been  made  by  Kevin  Gerard  Barry,  medical  student, 
Torture  Before  hanged  for  alleged  participation  in  an  attack  on  the 
Hanging  Imperial  British  forces  : 

County  of  the  City  of  Dublin  to  wit: 

I,  Kevin  Barry,  of  58  South  Circular  Road,  in  the  County  of  the 
City  of  Dublin,  medical  student,  aged  18  years  and  upwards,  solemnly 
and  sincerely  declare  as  follows: 

1.  On  the  20th  day  of  September,  1920,  I  was  arrested  in  Upper 
Church  Street,  in  the  City  of  Dublin,  by  a  sergeant  of  the  2nd  Duke 
of  Wellington's  Regiment,  and  was  brought  under  escort  to  the  North 
Dublin  Union,  now  occupied  by  the  military.  I  was  brought  into  the 
guardroom  and  searched.  I  was  then  removed  to  the  defaulters'  room 
by  an  escort  with  a  sergeant-major.  The  latter  and  the  escort  be- 
longed to  the  First  Lancashire  Fusiliers.     I  was  then  handcuffed. 

2.  About  a  quarter  of  an  hour  after  I  was  placed  in  the  De- 
faulters' Room  two  Commissioned  officers  came  in.  They  both  be- 
longed to  the  First  Lancashire  Fusiliers.  They  were  accompanied  by 
three  sergeants  of  the  same  unit,  A  military  policeman  who  had  been 
in  the  room  since  I  entered  it  remained.  One  of  the  officers  asked  my 
name,  which  I  gave.  He  then  asked  for  the  names  of  my  companions 
in  the  raid  or  attack.  I  refused  to  give  them.  He  tried  to  persuade 
me  to  give  the  names,  and  I  persisted  in  refusing.  He  then  sent  a 
sergeant  out  of  the  room  for  a  bayonet.  When  it  was  brought  in 
the  sergeant  was  ordered  by  the  same  officer  to  point  the  bayonet 
at  my  stomach.  The  same  question  as  to  the  names  and  addresses 
of  my  companions  was  repeated,  with  the  same  result.  The  sergeant 
was  then  ordered  to  turn  my  face  to  the  wall  and  point  the  bayonet 
to  my  back.  I  was  so  turned.  The  sergeant  then  said  he  would  run 
the  bayonet  into  me  if  I  did  not  tell.  The  bayonet  was  then  removed 
and  I  was  turned  round  again. 

3.  The  same  officer  then  said  to  me  that  if  I  persisted  in  my 
attitude  he  would  turn  me  out  to  the  men  in  the  Barrack  Square,  and 
that  he  supposed  I  knew  what  that  meant  with  the  men  in  their  present 
temper.  I  said  nothing.  He  ordered  the  sergeants  to  put  me  face 
down  on  the  floor  and  twist  my  arm.     I  was  pushed  down  on  the  floor 

■  after  my  handcuffs  were  removed  by  the  sergeant,  who  went  for  the 
bayonet.  When  I  lay  on  the  floor  one  of  the  sergeants  knelt  on  the 
small  of  my  back,  the  other  two  placed  one  foot  each  on  my  back  and 
left  shoulder,  and  the  men  who  knelt  on  me  twisted  my  right  arm, 
holding  it  by  the  wrist  with  one  hand  while  he  held  the  hair  with  the 
other  to  pull  back  my  head.  The  arm  was  twisted  from  the  elbow 
joint.  This  continued,  to  the  best  of  my  judgment  for  five  minutes. 
It  was  very  painful.  The  first  officer  was  standing  near  my  feet,  and 
the  officer  who  accompanied  him  was  still  present. 

4.  During  the  twisting  of  my  arm  the  first  officer  continued  to 
question  me  as  to  the  names  and  addresses  of  my  companions,  and  also 
asked  me  for  the  name  of  my  company  commander  and  any  other 
officer  I  knew 


Photo  Dublin    Weekly   Freeman 

EXHIBIT    32 
KEVIN    GERARD    BARRY,    MEDICAL    STUDENT,    HANGED    FOR    TAKING 
PART    IN    AN   AMBUSH  AND   TORTURED   BEFORE   HIS 
EXECUTION    BY    BRITISH   MILITARY. 


92  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

5.  As  I  still  persisted  in  refusing  to  answer  those  questions  I 
was  let  get  up,  and  I  was  again  handcuffed.  A  civilian  came  in  and  he 
repeated  the  questions,  with  the  same  result.  He  informed  me  that  if 
I  gave  all  the  information  I  knew  I  could  get  off.  I  was  then  left  in 
the  company  of  the  military  policemen,  the  two  officers,  the  three 
sergeants,  and  the  civilian  leaving  together. 

6.  1  could  certainly  identify  the  officer  who  directed  the  pro- 
ceedings and  put  the  questions.  I  am  not  sure  of  the  others  except  the 
sergeant  with  the  bayonet.  My  arm  was  medically  treated  by  an 
officer  of  the  Royal  Army  Medical  Corps,  attached  to  the  North  Dublin 
Union,  the  following  morning,  and  by  the  prison  hospital  orderly  after- 
wards for  four  or  five  days. 

7.  I  was  visited  by  the  courtmartial  officer  last  night,  and  he 
read  for  me  the  confirmation  of  sentence  of  death  by  hanging,  to  be 
executed  on  Monday  next,  and  I  make  this  solemn  declaration,  con- 
scientiously believing  same  to  be  true,  and  by  virtue  of  the  Statutory 
Declaration  Act,  1835. 

Declared  and  subscribed  before  me  at  Mountjoy  Prison,  in  the 
County  of  the  City  of  Dublin,  this  26th  day  of  October,  1920. 

MILES  KEOGH, 
A  Justice  of  the  Peace  in  and  for  the  said  County. 
KEVIN  GERARD  BARRY. 

An  officer  of  the  Cameron  Highlanders  was  in  charge  of  the  party 
that  murdered  the  Buckley  boy,  a  handcuffed  prisoner.  Inspector  Cruise 
led  the  party  that  terrorized  Galway  and  murdered  Quirk.  Testimony 
has  shovi^n  that  Inspector  Smyth  and  Generals  Lucas  and  Deasey  ordered 
indiscriminate  and  summary  slaying  of  Sinn  Feiners,  who  comprise  over 
eighty  per  cent,  of  the  whole  population. 

IMPERIAL  BRITISH   HIGH   COMMAND   IN  IRELAND 

I'hese  ofiicers  presumably  acted  under  the  direction  of  the  Im- 
perial British  High  Command.  There  is  no  testimony  before  us  con- 
cerning the  personal  morality  of  those  in  command  of  the  Imperial 
Forces  in  Ireland.  But  the  code  by  which  their  public  acts  are  tested  is 
the  Hague  Convention,  by  which  civilized  armies  are  supposed  to  be 
governed.  In  their  warfare  on  the  Irish  Republic,  the  British  High 
:  Command  would  appear  not  to  recognize  that  convention,  as  determining 
their  conduct. 

The  Hague  Convention  specifically  forbids  the  use  of  hostages. 
The  following  notice  was  placed  in  evidence  : 

Notice 

Notice  is  hereby  given  that  on  account  of  the  numerous 

Jj®®  attacks   which   have   been  and   are   being   made   by   rebel 

Hostages       forces    on   motors   and   lorries,    conveying    forces    of    the 

Crown,  officers  and  leaders  of  the  rebel  forces   (commonly  known  as 

the  Irish  Republican  Army)   will   in  future  be  carried  in  government 

motors  and  lorries. 


MORAL  CONSEQUENCES  TO  THE  BRITISH  93 

Given  under  my  hand,  at  Cork, 

this  eighteenth  day  of  December,  1920. 

(Signed)     H.    W.    HIGGINSON, 

Brigadier  General, 

Military  Gov. 

The  "hostages"  thus  carried,  it  was  testified,  inckided  the  Mayor  of 
Kilkenny  and  Colonel  Maurice  Moore,  late  of  the  British  Army,  who 
was  for  a  time  recruiting  officer  in  Ireland  for  the  British  and  who  lost 
a  son  in  the  war.  The  following  editorial  from  the  London  Daily 
Herald  of  December  21,  1920,  was  placed  in  evidence: 

The    "  Hostages  " 

On  Saturday  night  three  Sinn  Fein  prisoners,  in  custody  at  Cashel 
police  barra.cks,  were  taken  out  by  the  military  in  a  motor  lorry. 
During  the  journey  two  of  them  were  shot  dead. 

On  Sunday  night,  notices  were  issued  by  the  military  governors  of 
Cork  and  Kerry  (presumably  also  of  Tipperary)  that  "on  account  of 
the  numerous  attacks  which  had  been  and  ai'e  being  made  by  rebel 
forces  on  motors  and  lorries  conveying  forces  of  the  Crown,  officers 
and  leaders  of  the  rebel  forces  commonly  known  as  the  'Irish  Re- 
publican Army'  will  in  future  be  carried  in  Government  motors  and 
lorries.'" 

That  carrying  of  "hostages"  as  a  safeguard  against  attack  is  an 
old  device  of  the  Boer  war — denounced  in  those  days  by  Mr.  Lloyd 
George  a-nd  his  colleagues  as  a  barbarity  and  a  breach  of  the  laws 
of  war. 

But  what  has  it  to  do  with  the  death  of  these  two  men  at  Cashel 
twenty-four  hours  before  the  order  was  issued?  By  whose  orders 
and  for  what  reason  were  they  taken  on  their  tragic  journey  ?  And 
who  shot  them?  One  must  stretch  credulity  to  believe  that  there 
was  an  ambush,  that  Sinn  Feiners  fired  on  the  lorry  and  by  a  miracle 
shot  the  two  Irishmen  stone  dead  while  not  a  soldier  was  touched. 

All  that  is  clear  is  that  once  more  prisoners  have  been  shot  while 
in  the  custody  of  the  military.  On  previous  occasions  the  Govern- 
ment story  has  been  that  they  were  "attempting  escape."  On  this 
occasion,  apparently,  it  is  to  be  that  they  were  "hostages." 

But  what  the  Government  says  is  not  evidence.  The  only  sure 
fact  is  that  these  men  were  prisoners,  and  that  they  have  been  shot. 

Again  we  challenge  an  impartial  inquiry. 
We  have  also  had  submitted  to  us  other  proclamations  by  the 
Imperial  British  High  Command.  One  groups  the  male  citizens  of 
certan  districts,  allotting  to  each  group  an  area;  those  in  the  given  group 
are  held  responsible  if  the  Imperial  British  forces  suffer  casualties  in 
its  allotted  area. 

Another  proclamation,  from  the  same  source,  ordains  that  any  one 
harboring  a  rebel  will  suffer  death.  This  proclamation  makes  death 
the  penalty  even  for  a  mother  who  harbors  her  son  in  her  home — if  he 
is  a  Republican;  and  eighty  per  cent,  of  the  people  are  Republicans: 

(d)  That  a  state  of  armed  insurrection  exists,  that  any  person 
taking  part  therein  or  harboring  any  person  who  has  taken  part 
therein,  or  procuring,  inviting,  aiding  or  abetting  any  person  to  take 


MORAL  CONSEQUENCES  TO  THE  BRITISH  95 

part  therein,  is  guilty  of  levying  war  against  His  Majesty  the  King, 
and  is  liable  on  conviction  by  a  Military  Court  to  suffer  DEATH. 

This  proclamation  would  seem  to  us  to  be  directed  not  only  against 
Irish  womanhood,  but  also  against  the  memory  of  the  noblest  of  Eng- 
lishwomen, Edith  Cavell,  shot  for  harboring  persons  levying  war  against 
His  Majesty  the  Kaiser.  The  British  High  Command  would  appear 
to  make  the  heroism  of  Edith  Cavell  a  crime  and  to  confirm  her  sentence. 

Death  penalties  imposed  by  proclamation,  for  those  who  carry  or 
possess  arms,  for  those  who  have  information  and  neglect  to  make  it 
known  to  the  British  Imperial  Forces,  and  for  kindred  crimes,  have 
been  brought  to  our  notice.  The  following  attested  excerpt  from 
The  Weekly  Freeman,  Dublin,  February  5,  1921,  was  placed  in  evi- 
dence : 

An  official  communique  issued  from  Victoria  Barracks,  Cork,  on 
Tuesday,  states:  "Cornelius  Murphy  was  tried  at  Cork  on  January 
17  by  a  military  court  for  an  offence  against  martial  law,  and  he  was 
charged  with  being  at  Ballydaly  on  January  4  in  improper  possession 
of  arms  and  ammunition,  namely,  a  loaded  revolver. 

"The  Court  found  Cornelius  Murphy  guilty  and  sentenced  him 
to  suffer  death  by  being  shot.  The  finding  and  sentence  of  the  Court 
were  duly  confirmed  by  the  General  Officer  Commanding-in-Chief, 
Ireland.  The  sentence  was  duly  executed  at  8:01  A.  M.  on  Febru- 
ary 1." 

Failed  to  Inform 

At  the  same  Court,  Denis  Murphy  was  charged  with  having  failed 
to  inform  the  Competent  Military  Authority  of  the  fact  that  his 
brother,  Cornelius,  had  firearms  and  ammunition.  Accused  denies 
that  he  was  aware  of  the  fact. 

Sentence  in  the  latter  case  does  not  appear  to  have  been  pro- 
mulgated. 

And  to  these  excerpts,  by  way  of  contrast,  counsel  for  the  American 
Association  for  the  Recognition  of  the  Irish  Republic  added  the  follow- 
ing, attested  as  taken  from  the  London  Nation  of  February  5,  1921 : 

And  now,  men,  keep  your  arms,  no  matter  what  happens.  I  rely 
upon  every  man  to  fight  for  his  arms  to  the  end.  Let  no  man  take 
them  from  you.  I  do  not  care  who  they  be  or  under  what  authority 
they  come.  I  tell  you,  "Stick  to  your  arms." — [Sir  Edward  Carson 
at  an  inspection  of  the  Ulster  rebels,  June   6th,  1914.] 

Sir  Edward  Carson  was  made  a  member  of  the  Imperial  British 
Cabinet,  and  is  today  alleged  to  be  a  chief  instigator  of  the  Imperial 
British  policy  in  Ireland. 

It  would  seem  to  us  that  the  British  High  Command  scarcely 
recognize  the  authority  of  the  Hague  Convention.  Their  proclama- 
tions appear  to  indicate  that  their  military  failure  to  suppress  the  Irish 
Republic  has  already  driven  their  conduct  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
conventions. 


%  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

IMPERIAL  BRITISH  GOVERNMENT  IN  IRELAND 

Attested  utterances,  from  official  sources,  of  Ministers  of  His 
Majesty's  Government  have  been  placed  in  evidence,  and  we  have  cited 
several  of  Sir  Hamar  Greenwood's  statements  in  the  course  of  this 
report.  These  would  seem  to  us  to  indicate  a  moral  tone  regrettable 
in  a  public  official  of  a  civilized  people.  We  would  particularly  em- 
phasize his  explanation  of  the  death  of  Mrs.  Ellen  Ouinn,  the  expectant 
mother  who  was  shot  wantonly  by  the  military;  of  his  inquiries  by 
military  tribunals  into  the  crimes  ordered  and  committed  by  the  military ; 
of  his  failure  to  arrest  the  miscreants  who  sacked  Balbriggan,  and  his 
condonation  of  the  Croke  Park  massacre.  There  has  been  placed  in 
evidence  the  following  attested  excerpt  from  the  London  Nation  of 
January  29,  1921  : 

One    of  the   most  important  of    these   documents   is   the    Weekly 

•  Summary.      This,  it  will  be   explained,  is  a  paper  which   Sir   Hamar 
'.     Greenwood  established  as  a  means  of  keeping  up  the  spirits  of  his  con- 
stables.     These  constables  were   men  enlisted  by  the  medium  of  an 

-  advertising  agency  for  ex-soldiers  who  could  not  find  employment  in 
England.      The    Weekly  Summary  will   be   the  most  important   docu- 

•  ment  that  the  historian  can  use  for  showing  the  spirit  which  Sir  Hamar 
Greenwood  wished  to  introduce  and  maintain  in  a  body  of  men  armed 
with  such  powers  as  no  British  force  had  exercised  since  1798.  Let 
us  note  a  few  of  the  extracts  that  were  chosen  for  publication  in  this 
paper.  A  number  of  them  are  threatening  resolutions  attributed  to 
persons  spoken  of  as  "The  Anti-Sinn  Fein  Society." 

If  in  future   any  member  of  His   Majesty's  Forces   be    mur- 

•  ■     ■    dered,  two  members  of  the  Sinn  Fein  Party  in  the  County  of  Cork 

will  be  killed.  And  in  the  event  of  a  member  of  the  Sinn  Fein 
Party  not  being  available,  three  sympathizers  will  be  killed.  This 
will  apply  equally  to  laity  and  clergy  of  all  denominations.  In  the 
event  of  a  member  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  being  wounded,  or  an 
attempt  made  to  wound  him,  one  member  of  the  Sinn  Fein  Party 
will  be  killed,  or  if  a  member  of  the  Sinn  Fein  Party  is  not  availa- 

"^-  ble,  two  sympathizers  will  be  killed. —  [This  was  literally  carried 

'■'      '     out  a  few  weeks  later.] 

;  ;.l,.'  A  fair  warning  to  Sinn  Feiners  and  sympathizers.     Lisburn 

will  claim  not  an  eye  for  an  eye,  but  three  or  more  lives  for  either 
'    •        the  murder  of  or  injury  to  any  local  member  of  the  Royal  Irish 
Constabulary  or  Auxiliary  Forces. 
Notice 

If  G.  Hogan  is  not  returned  by  4   o'clock  to-day    (Friday), 
■  ■  •      10th  December,  rebels  of  Cork,  beware,  as  one  man  and  one  shop 
shall  disappear  for  each  hour  after  the  given  time. 

(Signed)      B.  and  T.'s. 
Organization  Headquarters,   Retaliations  Section   B 

.  •  Sinn  Feiners  Get  a  Warning 

It  is  your  duty  to  support  your  Government.     Don't  harbor, 
.  •         engage  by  hire  or  otherwise,  associates  of  Sinn  Fein  or  members 
;    ■  ■       of  that  murderous  society.     We  warn  you  that,  if  you  do,  revenge 
'  will  be  taken  by  means  not  yet  heard  of. 

By  order,   Secret  Service  Dept.   2  B,  No.   17396  V. 


98  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

The  public  funerals  of  the  murdered  officers  was  a  solemn 
and  impressive  sight,  by  which  many  thousands  were  deeply  af- 
fected, and  we  have  not  a  word  to  say  against  it.  But  a  far  more 
satisfactory  tribute  to  the  dead  would  have  been  the  spectacle 
of  a  Sinn  Fein  murderer  hanging  on  every  lamp-post  in  Sackville 
Street  and  Grafton  Street  and  that  is  what  ought  to  have  been 
done. — The  Winning  Post. 

Aldf^rman  MacSwiney  would  seem  to  have  been  most  anxious 
for  the  world  to  note  that  he  "died  a  soldier  of  the  Irish  Re- 
public" ...  He  might  just  as  reasonably  have  averred  that  he  died 
an  Admiral  of  the  Swiss  Navy. 

It  is  inherent  in  British  Parliamentary  practice  that  the  Premier 
is  responsible  for  the  acts  and  utterances  of  every  member  of  his 
Cabinet.  It  would  appear  that  he  has  not  publicly  dissociated  himself 
or  his  Government  from  Sir  Hamar  Greenwood.  The  moral  obliquity 
implied  in  "shot  trying  to  escape,"  "shot  for  refusal  to  halt,"  "Sinn  Fein 
Extremists,"  "reprisals,"  and  such  terms,  used  in  official  British  utter- 
ances, would  seem  to  us  to  need  no  emphasis. 

It  would  appear  to  your  Commission  that  the  Imperial  British 
Army  in  Ireland  has  been  guilty  of  proved  excesses,  not  incomparable 
in  degree  and  kind  with  those  alleged,  by  the  Bryce  Report  on  Belgian 
atrocities,  to  have  been  committed  by  the  Imperial  German  Army.* 
And  it  would  further  appear  that  the  Imperial  British  Government 
have  created  and  introduced  into  Ireland,  a  country  in  area  less  than 
the  State  of  Maine,  a  force  of  at  least  78,000,  many  of  whom  were  boys 
and  some  of  them  convicts;  has  incited  them  to  slay,  burn  and  loot;  has 
armed  them  for  their  task ;  and  has  tempered  with  terror  and  alcohol 
this  chosen  instrument,  to  fit  it  for  the  appointed  purposes  of  the  Im- 
perial British  Government  in  Ireland.  It  would  seem  to  us  that  the 
moral  responsibility  for  the  crime  of  this  instrument  rests  on  those 
who  fashioned  and  used  it. 

]/We.  would  extend  our  sympathy  to  the  great  British  people. 
The  army  which  is  the  instrument  of  their  Government  in  Ireland 
would  also  seem  to  be  the  instrument  of  the  destruction  of  that  moral 
heritage  which  was  their  glory  and  which  cast  its  luster  on  each  and  all 
of  them.  The  sun  of  that  glory  seems  finally  to  have  set  over  Ireland. 
British  "justice"  has  become  a  discredited  thing.  The  official  Black  and 
Tans  in  Ireland  compete  for  the  dishonor  of  Anglo-Saxon  civilization 
with  our  unofficial  lynch  mobs.  And  decent  folk  everywhere  are 
shamed  and  scandalized  that  such  things  can  still  be  in  their  day  and 
generation.     We  welcomed  the  British  Labor  Report  on   Conditions 


*  We  are  under  the  disadvantage  of  lacking  the  official  British  side  of  the 
case  save  as  we  gathered  it  from  documents  presented  before  us,  but  the  Bryce 
Commission  was   similarly  handicapped,  and   to  an  even  greater  degree. 


100  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

in  Ireland  and  the  reports  of  the  Englishwomen's  International  League 
and  of  the  British  Society  of  Friends — whose  moral  leadership,  rising 
above  the  prejudices  of  race  and  nationality,  has  been  in  this  great 
spiritual  catastrophe  of  England  almost  the  only  sign  of  our  common 
Christianity.  We  wish  the  Peace  with  Ireland  Council  Godspeed.  We 
would  congratulate  the  Manchester  Guardian,  the  London  Nation,  The 
London  Daily  Herald,  The  New  Statesman,  and  The  Westnmister 
Gazette  for  the  courageous  stand  they  have  taken  in  exposing  and  de- 
nouncing to  the  British  people  the  murder  done  in  their  name.  And 
we  hope  that  the  spirit  of  these  efforts  may  be  strengthened,  to  the  end 
that  the  wrong  done  to  Ireland  may  be  righted  and  the  agony  of  her 
people  cease.  When  these  things  shall  be  the  great  British  people  will 
emerge  from  the  darkness  that  now  encompasses  them  into  the  glory 
of  a  new  day.* 

*  Both  in  England  and  America  it  has  been  suggested  that  our  right  to 
criticize  the  Imperial  British  rule  in  Ireland  is  impaired  by  certain  examples  of 
American  imperialism  which  contravene  our  boasted  belief  in  the  principle  of 
"government  by  consent  of  the  governed."  The  members  of  the  Commission  are 
vitally  concerned  for  American  honor  and  are  opposed  to  coercive  imperialism 
wherever  and  by  whomever  it  is  practiced.  Their  present  concern  with  Ireland 
is  prompted  by  the  acuteness  of  the  issue  and  its  bearing  on  international 
friendship.  In  the  course  of  the  Commission's  investigation  it  has  become  deeply 
impressed  with  the  capacity  of  the  Irish  for  self-government. 


CHAPTER   VII 

Political  Aspect  of  the  Imperial  British 
Policy  in  Ireland 

IN  spite  of  this  campaign  of  murder,  arson,  terror  and  destruction, 
the  Imperial  British  forces  would  appear  to  have  failed  to  preserve 

British  rule  in  Ireland.     Mr.  J.  L.  Fawsitt,  Consul-General  of  the 
Irish  Republic  to  the  United  States,  quoted  Earl  Grey  as  saying  that 
British  government  of   any  sort  in   Ireland   was    "non-existent,"   and 
Mr.   Paul  J.  Furnas  read  the  report  of  a  committee 
from  the   Society  of   Friends  in  England  estimating       British 
that  the  Imperial  British  Government  had  "ceased  to      ^^'TreTan?*'*'" 
function  over  at  least  80  per  cent,  of  Ireland."    Lord 
Mayor  Donal  O'Callaghan  of  Cork  testified  that  it  has  become  almost 
impossible  for  the  British  to  collect  taxes ;  and  the  statement  of  Com- 
missioner Morgan  of  Thurles  that  British  civil  authority  had  lapsed 
generally  was  supported  by  numerous  witnesses. 

It  would  appear  that  the  British  courts  are  for  the  most  part  empty 
even  of   judges;    550   magistrates   were   said   to   have   resigned   office. 
Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan  reported  such  resignations  in 
Cork,  Mrs.  Michael  Mohan  in  Queenstown  and  Com-       British  Courts 
missioner  Morgan  again  in  Thurles.     In  Thurles,  said       in  Disuse 
Mr.  Morgan,  the  government  courts  were  practically 
falling  into  disuse  altogether  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  the  people  were 
refusing  to  go  into  them.     The  petty  court  had  quit  sitting  and  the 
court  house  had  fallen  into  dilapidation.    People  "absolutely  refused"  to 
obey  a   summons,   and   it   was   increasingly   difficult   for   the   Imperial 
British  Government  to  secure  Irish  citizens  for  jury  service. 

Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan  read  a  report,  composed  by  the  Repub- 
lican Municipality  of  Cork,  on  acts  committed  by  the  Imperial  British 
forces  between  10  P.  M.  and  3  A.  M.,  during  one  month,  the  month  of 
November,  1920.     The  list  includes  : 


260  arrests. 

Upwards  of  50  attempted  arrests. 

Four  publicly  placarded  threats  to  the  citizens_x>^  ^' 

Hundreds  of  general  outrages.    _    ,^ 

Fifteen  trains  held  ur-    -y 

Upwards  of  "^^^     ,.iew  arrests. 

Fc„    Sinn  Fein  Clubs  burned  to  the  ground. 

£1,000,000  damage  by  fire. 

101 


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POLITICAL    ASPECT  103 

Seven  men  shot  dead. 

Upwards  of  12  men  dangerously  wounded  by  shots. 

Attempted  assassinations  of  upwards  of  10  men. 

Upwards    of    500    houses    of    private    citizens    forcibly    entered    and 

searched. 
Much  indiscriminate  shooting. 

The  primary  duty  of  a  Government  to  its  people,  the  duty  of  pre- 
serving order  and  guaranteeing  to  citizens  security  of  Hfe  and  property 
w^ould  seem  to  us  not  to  be  fulfilled  by  the  Imperial  British  Government 
of  today  in  Ireland.  We  have  had  no  testimony,  except  a  report  by  Judge 
Bodkin  (see  Appendix  D)  which  w^ould  lead  us  to  the  conclusion  that 
British  officials  in  Ireland  today  are  serving  any  function  useful  to  the 
Irish  people.  Instead,  they  seem  to  us  to  be  engaged  in  destruction 
of  Irish  social  and  economic  life.  In  other  words,  the  evidence  would 
seem  to  show  that  the  campaign  of  the  British  forces  in  Ireland  so  far 
has  failed  to  re-establish  British  Authority  in  Ireland. 

THE  IRISH  REPUBLIC 

The  Imperial  British  Forces  would  seem  to  us  likewise  to  have 
failed  to  destroy  the  civil  administration  set  up  by  the  Irish  RepubHc. 
Mr.  Denis  Morgan,  of  Thurles,  Miss  Mary  MacSwiney  of  Cork,  Mr. 
Francis  Hackett  of  New  York,  and  others  gave  evidences  of  the  intensity 
of  the  British  campaign  against  independent  Irish  political  life.  This 
campaign  has  been  unremitting  since  the  election  in  December,  1918, 
which  gave  popular  sanction  to  the  Irish  Republic.  Ex-Constable 
Crowley  testified  that  puljlic  meetings  had  been  prohibited  in  his  district 
since  March,  1919,  and  Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan  submitted  proof  that 
every  Republican  organization  in  Cork  had  been  attacked  at  least  once 
before  the  great  fire  in  which  all  of  them  were  burned.  In  addition, 
there  would  appear  to  have  been  a  continuous  war  against  Repuljlicans 
in  office.  We  have  already  discussed  the  evidence  proving  that  Im- 
perial British  forces  slew  for  no  discoverable  reason  other  than  Repub- 
licanism, citizens  and  officials  of  the  Irish  Republic.  Mr.  Morgan's 
house  in  Thurles,  together  with  the  houses  of  four  other  men,  was 
signaled  otit  for  attack  during  the  raid  by  the  Imperial  British  forces 
tipon  the  town  presumably  because  these  five  were  Republican  mem- 
bers of  the  Council.  The  Lord  Mayors  of  Cork,  MacCurtain,  Mac- 
Swiney, and  O'Callaghan  are  the  most  conspicuous  instances,  accordi»^7, 
to  the  testimony,  of  men  persecuted  in  public  office.  Lo^"^*^  Mavor 
O'Callaghan  was  witness  by  his  own  experien'^f^  ^y^^  ^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^ 
Commissioners  to  the  difficulties  l-'LOuhtered— such  as  arrests,  threats, 
shots,  and  perpetual  !,hadowing  by  Imperial  "police"— while  attempting 
to  perfor^Ti  public  duties.  An  affidavit  by  Seamus  MacGearailt,  chair- 
man of  the  Queenstown  Urban  Council,  was  placed  in  evidence  showing 
that  he  had  not  been  able  for  six  months  to  approach  his  own  house. 
much  less  attend  to  his  official  responsibilities.     The  Imperial  British 


i^..    ^^ 


POLITICAL    ASPECT  105 

forces  would  seem  to  us  to  be  intensively  engaj^^ed  in  thwarting  the 
efforts  of  the  duly  elected  Irish  officials  to  administer  the  Civil  Govern- 
ment in  Ireland. 

FAILURE  OF  THE  IMPERIAL  BRITISH  POLICY  IN  IRELAND 

In  spite  of  these  difficulties  and  with  the  Imperial  British  Govern- 
ment ceaselessly  attempting  to  terrorize  the  people  and  to  paralyze  the 
social  and  economic  life  of  the  country  the  Irish  Republican  Government 
appears,  in  the  light  of  voluminous  and  consistent  testimony,  to  be  defi- 
nitely holding  its  own  and  establishing  its  right  to  be  considered  the  only 
working  government  in  Ireland  outside  the  region  around  Belfast. 
Witnesses  to  its  strength  were  numerous  and  unequivocal  before  the 
Commission,  including  among  their  number  impartial  observers  from 
the  outside  as  well  as  partisan  observers  from  within.  The  Women's 
International  League  of  England  reported  through  a  visiting  com- 
mittee, "although  members  of  the  [Republican]  Government  are  pro- 
scribed, their  courts  illegal,  and  their  revenues  forfeit,  one  can  truly 
say  that  without  them  Ireland  would  be  given  over  to  sheer  anarchy. 
The  government  had  the  enthusiastic  support  of  the  enormous  majority 
of  the  population.  To  a  degree  never  witnessed  before  by  any  of  the 
women,  it  is  possible  to  say  that  Dail  Eirann  governs  with  the  consent 
of  the  people,"  The  English  Friends  were  convinced  that  "if  the 
English  garrison  and  armed  police  were  to  withdraw,  the  Sinn  Fein 
government  could  and  would  run  the  country,  and  that  at  present  order 
and  safety  are  only  found  in  districts  from  which  the  English  military 
and  police  have  been  withdrawn."  One  witness,  Mr.  Clarke,  firmly 
denied  that  the  spirit  of  the  Irish  people  had  been  broken  by  the  Im- 
perial British  terror.  There  were  practically  no  informers  among  them, 
and  there  was  seldom  or  never  any  refusal  to  meet  obligations.  Lord 
Mayor  O'Callaghan  had  "never  heard  of  one  case  where  there  has  been 
a  refusal  by  anybody  to  pay  their  rates  on  the  ground  that  the  bodies 
[urban  and  county  councils]  are  Republican."  A  loan  floated  by  Dail 
Eirann,  according  to  Consul-General  Fawsitt,  has  been  over-subscribed 
by  one-half.  On  the  whole,  testified  Miss  Ruth  Russell  of  Chicago, 
"I  think  there  is  possibly  the  greatest  unanimity  there  that  has  ever 
existed  in  any  country  of  the  world." 

Estimates  before  the  Commission  of  the  percentage  of  Irish  popula- 
tion which  is  favorable  to  the  Republican  Government  either  by  act  of 
ballot  or  in  state  of  mind  varied  a  good  deal,  but  all  were 
high.    Mr.  Daniel  J.  Broderick,  an  American  visitor  in        Percentage  of 
Ireland,  thought  that  99  per  cent,  of  the  100,000  people       Allegiance 
in  Cork  were  for  the  Republic.   Mr.  Morgan  of  Thurles 
said  that  in  the  election  of  January,  1920,  about  90  per  cent,  of  the 
Urban  Councils  over  Ireland  as  a  whole  went  Republican.    Mr.  Francis 
Hackett,   citing  figures   which   he   considered    "absolutely   trustworthy 


106  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

and  very  closely  analyzed,"  claimed  that  the  Sinn  Fein  party  secured 
71.9  per  cent,  of  the  699  seats  in  the  County  Councils.  With  the  seats 
secured  by  Labor,  which  in  the  main  is  sympathetic,  the  total  Repub- 
lican strength  was  at  least  80  per  cent.  The  most  conservative  estimate 
of  the  popular  allegiance,  80  per  cent.,  was  made  by  the  English  Friends, 
in  their  report  read  by  Mr.  Furnas.  Taking  these  figures  at  their 
lowest,  and  even  discounting  them  then,  to  allow  for  enthusiasm  and  im- 
perfect investigation,  the  evidence  would  seem  to  be  almost  conclusive 
that  the  Irish  Republican  Government  is  the  one  government  which  is 
desired  by  the  majority  of  people  of  Ireland  today. 

Since  April,  1919,  according  to  Consul-General  Fawsitt,  there  has 
been  in  operation  an  Irish  Republic  with  a  President  and  with  Ministers 
.  .  of    state    for   home   affairs,    foreign   afifairs,    national 

of  tljg  defense,  finance,  local  government,  industries,  labor. 

Republican  agriculture,  education,  trade  and  commerce,  fisheries, 

uovernment  forestry,  and   information.     The  government  of   the 

Irish  Republic  has  consuls  in  the  United  States,  France,  Spain,  Italy, 
Belgium  and  Denmark  who  are  striving  to  secure  recognition  for  the 
Republic  and  to  consolidate  its  trade  relations.  Since  1918  the  elected 
national  representatives  of  Ireland  have  gathered  in  Dublin,  con- 
stituting the  Congress  or  Dail  Eirann.  This  comprises  75  constituencies, 
all  but  Z7  of  whose  representatives  have  spent  terms  in  jail  for  their 
membership.  This  Congress  met  openly  for  twelve  months,  but  now 
meets  secretly,  under  difficulties  imposed  by  the  Imperial  British  Gov- 
ernment in  Ireland.  Its  members  and  its  leaders,  according  to  Mr. 
Fawsitt,  Miss  MaCvSwiney,  Miss  Russell,  and  other  witnesses  who 
know  them,  are  among  the  most  brilliant  of  the  younger  men  of  Ireland, 
and  they  are  bent  upon  keeping  all  young  men  of  Ireland  in  Ireland 
by  rigidly  restricting  emigration  and  by  diverting  those  with  political 
talent  from  the  English  civil  service  into  the  Irish.  The  Commission 
was  impressed  by  the  several  reports  of  the  composition  and  functioning 
of  the  Irish  Republican  Congress. 

Its  economic  program  would  appear  to  be  extensive,  and  to  have 

had   effect  already   upon   the   industrial   organization   of    the   country. 

Consul-General    Fawsitt    was    confident    that    Ireland 

Economic  ^^der    Irish   management    could    support    12,000,000 

"rogram  ,  .  . 

people,  or  three  times  its  present  number.  An  Eco- 
nomic Commission  is  studying  national  conditions,  according  to  Mr. 
Hackett,  and  from  it  recommendations  looking  toward  an  intensification 
of  industry  are  expected.  It  is  apparent  that  much  has  been  accom- 
plished in  establishing  healthy  cooperative  enterprises,  including  cheese 
factories,  creameries,  ^gg  societies,  banks  and  stores.  An  important 
Republican  institution  already  well  under  way  and  described  by  Mr. 
Fawsitt,  is  the  Land  Bank,  with  six  branches,  which  aims,  through 
assisting  poor  farmers  to  buy  land,  at  an  eventual  disintegration  and 


108  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

distribution  of  large  rural  estates,  particularly  in  the  West.  Miss  Ben- 
nett testified  to  the  efficiency  of  the  Land  Courts  which  have  arisen 
from  the  necessity  to  reconcile  differences  between  cattle-drivers  and 
the  owners  of  grazing  lands.  International  trade  also  is  being  studied 
with  a  view  to  the  control  of  harbors  and  steamship  lines.  One  line  to 
New  York  has  already  been  promoted,  and  the  important  harbor  of 
Cork  is  expected  by  Mr.  Fawsitt  soon  to  come  under  the  direct  influence 
of  the  Republican  Government. 

Since  1918,  according  to  Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan,  local  governing 
bodies  in  28  out  of  the  32  Irish  counties  have  become  Republican,  trans- 
ferring their  allegiance  from  the  English  Local  Gov- 
^°*^^'  ^  ernment  Board  to  the  Local  Government  Department 

Caovernment  .      ,     ,     ,    „  „ 

of  Dail  Eirann.  These  bodies  mcluded  County  Coun- 
cils, Rural  District  Councils,  Urban  Councils.  "Then  Commissions  and 
Boards  of  Guardians  were  moved  to  make  the  change,"  says  the  writer 
of  a  paper  read  by  Miss  Townshend,  largely  because  the  Local  Govern- 
ment Board,  taking  advantage  of  the  "malicious  injuries  Act,"  was 
assessing  against  the  counties  the  costs  of  town  halls,  creameries,  pri- 
vate houses,  and  other  property  destroyed  by  the  Imperial  British 
forces  themselves.  Whatever  the  motive,  the  transfer  seems  certainly 
to  have  been  made,  and  the  new  bodies  seem  certainly  to  be  functioning, 
though  under  the  handicaps  in  some  localities  of  persistent  British 
persecution.  They  have  collected  £5,000,000  in  taxes,  testified  Mr. 
Fawsitt,  and  are  taking  over  and  amending  the  British  system  of  control 
of  roads,  lighting,  water,  sanitation,  health,  education,  and  public 
libraries.  Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan  attested  the  representative  character 
of  the  men  composing  these  bodies ;  in  the  County  Councils  there  sit 
holders  of  large  farms,  and  in  the  Town  Commissions  are  to  be  found 
university  professors  and  prominent  merchants,  while  there  is  a  liberal 
proportion  of  labor  leaders  in  each.  In  view  of  the  importance  of  local 
government  in  the  administration  of  any  country,  the  Commission  finds 
significant  the  testimony  of  various  witnesses  to  the  effect  that  local 
governing  bodies  in  Ireland  almost  universally  have  Republican 
majorities. 

One    recommendation   of    the    new    Republican    courts    seems    to 
be  that  they  are  free  from  British  red  tape.     They  are  bent  upon  per- 
forming their  duties  with  dispatch  and  common  sense. 
Republican  Despite  the  fact  that  they  are  forced  to  lead  an  under- 

ground existence,  Miss  MacSwiney  testified  that  91 
per  cent,  of  Ireland  was  making  use  of  these  courts,  being  attracted  by 
their  fairness  as  well  as  by  their  expedition.  Mr.  Broderick  in  Abbey- 
feale,  Mr.  Morgan  in  Thurles,  the  Friends  and  Lord  Mayor  O'Callaghan 
in  Cork,  and  Mrs.  Mohan  in  Queenstown  claimed  personal  contact  with 
them,  and  reported  concerning  their  success.  Mr.  Broderick  testified  that 
the  two  cases  he  investigated  in  Abbeyf eale  had  been  settled  satisfactorily 


POLITICAL    ASPECT  109 

111  one  week,  although  they  had  been  hanging  fire  in  the  British  courts 
for  two  years.  No  lawyers  were  employed  either  there  or  in  Queens- 
town,  in  the  court  visited  by  Mrs.  Mohan.  The  English  Friends,  in 
the  report  read  by  Mr.  Furnas,  found  proceedings  in  Cork  to  be  "con- 
ducted in  a  quiet  and  businesslike  manner."  Perhaps  the  most  con- 
vincing testimony  to  the  efficiency  of  the  Republican  courts  presented 
before  the  Commission,  however,  was  that  of  Miss  Bennett,  which 
showed  Unionists  to  be  resorting  to  them  for  justice.  It  also  seems 
significant  that  a  conservative  British  firm,  the  Prudential  Insurance 
Company  of  England,  "had  a  case  in  the  Cork  District  Court  not  so 
long  ago." 

Preservation  of  order  in  Ireland  would  seem  more  complete  on  the 
part  of  Republican  than  on  the  part  of  Imperial  forces.  "It  is  generally 
admitted  by  moderate  people,  includmg  many  Union- 
ists," reads  the  report  of  the  English  Friends,  "that  PoHce 
the  only  protection  they  enjoy  is  from  the  Sinn  Fein 
police.  Their  meetings  are  protected  from  interruption,  stolen  goods 
are  found  and  returned,  writers  of  threatening  letters  are  dealt  with 
and  stopped,  laws  controlling  the  sale  of  intoxicating  drinks  are  vigor- 
ously enforced.  All  this  when  it  is  a  penal  offence  for  a  Sinn  Fein 
volunteer  policeman  to  act  as  such."  One  reason  for  the  superior 
effectiveness  of  the  Irish  Republican  police,  said  Lord  Mayor  O'Calla- 
ghan,  was  that  they  were  answerable  to  the  local  governing  bodies, 
whereas  the  British  police  had  never  been  so  answerable,  but  in  a  definite 
sense  had  had  the  character  of  foreign,  occupying  troops.  Such,  the 
Lord  Mayor  was  also  of  the  opinion,  was  the  difference  between  the 
Irish  Republican  army  and  the  Imperial  British  army.  One,  being 
domestic  in  its  origin,  had  only  order  to  preserve ;  the  other,  being 
foreign  and  imperial  in  its  origin,  had  only  respect  to  command, 
terror  to  strike,  or  revenge  to  take. 

In  thus  summarizing  the  evidence  concerning  the  Irish  Republican 
Government  presented  to  it  with  surprising  unanimity  by  Irish,  English 
and  American  witnesses  the  Commission  has  no  wish  to  extend  the 
bounds  set  for  it  by  the  terms  of  the  understanding  on  which  it  was 
created.  In  passing  we  would  only  note  that  British  bodies  which  have 
investigated  the  situation,  such  as  the  Friends  Committee,  the  English 
Women's  International  League  and  the  British  Labor  Party,  make 
the  end  of  the  "terror"  and  the  withdrawal  of  British  forces  the 
conerstone  of  their  constructive  proposals.  On  the  other  hand  Irish 
Republican  leaders  have  repeatedly  expressed  willingness  to  come  to 
an  understanding  with  Britain  as  to  foreign  affairs  which  would  conserve 
every  reasonable   British  interest.*     However,   while   refraining   from 


*  See  on  this  point  quotations  from  responsible  Irish  leaders  embodied  in  the 
statement  of  the  Irish  Women's  International  League.     (Appendix  B.) 


110 


AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 


recommendations  on  the  political  situation,  the  Commission  is  con- 
strained as  a  result  of  its  inquiry  to  state  its  solemn  conviction  that 
behind  the  tragedy  in  Ireland  lies  the  determination  of  the  Imperial 
British  Government  to  hold  Ireland  in  its  grip  even  at  the  cost  of  sub- 
stituting for  the  orderly  government  of  the  people's  choice,  fairly  estab- 
lished in  the  face  of  opposition,  a  system  which  can  only  be  called 
organized  anarchy.  The  answer  to  this  attempt,  as  events  make  increas- 
ingly plain,  is  violence  and  yet  more  violence.  The  continuance  of  such 
a  situation  menaces  not  only  the  happiness  and  well  being  of  Ireland 
and  England,  but  also  of  our  own  land,  which  is  united  to  both  by  so 
many  ties  of  interest  and  affection.  In  the  establishment  and  main- 
tenance of  friendship  between  the  peoples  of  our  three  countries  may 
lie  the  realization  of  the  hope  of  plain  people  everywhere  that  inter- 
national problems  shall  be  solved  by  orderly  and  friendly  processes  in 
a  world  of  peace. 


Washington,  D.  C. 

March    8th,    1921. 


(Signed)        Jane  Addams. 

Frederic  C.  Howe. 
James  H.  Maurer. 
Oliver  P.  Newman. 
George  W.  Norris. 
Norman  Thomas. 
David  I.  Walsh. 
L.  Hollingsworth  Wood. 


SUPPLEMENTAL    REPORT: 
THE    RELIGIOUS    ISSUE    IN    IRELAND 

NO  examination  of  the  Irish  situation  can  ignore  the  religious  issue. 
The  Commission  has,  however,  not  included  any  detailed  discus- 
sion of  it  in  the  main  body  of  its  report;  first,  because  evidence 
of  religious  controversy  bulks  much  smaller  in  the  testimony  presented 
to  it  than  in  popular  opinion ;  and  secondly,  because  it  seemed  peculiarly 
appropriate  that  the  Protestant  members  should  deal  with  the  subject 
in  view  of  the  overwhelming  predominance  of  Roman  Catholics  in 
Ireland  and  the  charge  sometimes  heard  in  Protestant  circles  that  Re- 
publican sentiment  has  its  chief  origin  in  ecclesiastical  agitation. 

The  only  evidence  before  the  Commission  concerning  serious  re- 
ligious controversy  resulting  in  the  destruction  of  life  and  property  dealt 
with  the  Ulster  riots  of  the  summer  of  1920.     Unfor- 
tunately our  efforts  to  secure  testimony  on  these  occur-  Ulster 

r  -J  1  •■,•  •  1  Pogroms 

rences  irom  eye-witnesses  proved  unavailmg;  neither 

did  we  have  direct  testimony  from  any  member  of  the  Orange  lodges — 
societies  devoted  to  the  cause  of  Protestant  ascendancy  in  Ulster.  We 
did,  however,  have  testimony  from  Mr.  Francis  Hackett,  Miss  Signe 
Toksvig,  and  Mrs.  Annot  Robinson,  who  visited  Ulster  soon  after  the 
riots.  None  of  these  is  Catholic  in  religion ;  the  first  two  are  American 
citizens,  the  third  is  a  British  citizen  of  Scotch  Presbyterian  stock;  only 
Mr.  Hackett  is  of  Irish  blood. 

The  first  of  the  riots  occurred  in  Landonderry.     This  famous  old 
Protestant  stronghold  is  divided  about  evenly  between  Unionists  and 
Republicans ;   the   co,uncil   is   evenly   divided   and   the 
Mayor  is  a  Sinn  Feiner.     Concerning  the  riots  here  Londonderry 

the  Commission  received  little  testimony.  It  was  alleged  that  although 
the  Orangemen  were  the  aggressors  the  Imperial  British  forces  were 
benevolently  neutral  toward  them  and  that  order  was  restored  by  the 
Republican  Government  which  sent  in  Irish  Volunteers. 

More  serious  rioting  occurred  in  Belfast  beginning  July  21st.    Mr. 
Hackett  and  Miss  Toksvig  testified  that  by  the  end  of  August  in  recur- 
ring riots  at  least  56  people  were  killed.     These  riots 
between  Protestants  and  Catholics  in  which  Protestants  ®   ^* 

were  the  aggressors  partook  of  the  character  of  Russian  pogroms  against 
the  Jews,  In  October,  1920,  Mrs.  Robinson  visited  Ulster  and  found 
that  "more  than  20,000  expelled  workers  and  their  families"  were  ex- 
isting on  relief.     Some  of  them  were  expelled  not  only  from  their  jobs, 

111 


112  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

but  from  their  homes.  The  victims  were  predominantly  CathoHc  though 
among  them  were  Protestants  suspected  of  "labor,  socialist,  or  Sinn 
Fein  sympathies."*  It  was  testified  that  the  occasion  for  the  outbreak 
of  rioting  was  the  killing  of  District  Commissioner  Smyth  in  Cork. 
Mrs.  Robinson  believed  that  a  more  fundamental  cause  for  the 
resurgence  of  bigotry  was  the  election  of  25  men  who  "were  not 
Orangemen"  to  the  Belfast  City  Council  whose  total  membership  is  60. 
After  the  election  "open  threats  of  retaliation  were  made  by  Orange 
leaders.  .  .  .  On  July  21st  inflamatory  speeches  were  made  at  the 
gates  of  the  shipyards  and  immediately  after  that  the  Orange  workers 
turned  upon  their  nationalist  fellow  workers  and  expelled  something 
like  4,000  of  them  from  the  yards.  Some  of  the  men  tried  to  swim 
the  channel  [Belfast  Lough]  but  were  met  by  stones  on  the  other  side 
so  that  they  could  not  land  and  had  to  come  back.  Some  of  them 
spent  hours  in  the  water,  some  of  them,  of  course,  were  killed." 
Orange  workers  refused  to  work  with  their  nationalist  comrades.  They 
had  the  sympathy  of  the  employers.  The  result  was  general  expulsion 
of  Catholic  and  Repul)lican  workers  from  the  shipyards  and  linen  mills 
which  were  then  approaching  a  period  of   depression. 

One  of  the  worst  sufferers  from  the  Ulster  pogroms  was  the 
prosperous  linen  town  of  Lisburn  just  outside  of  Belfast.  To  this  city 
Inspector  Swanzy  had  been  transferred  from  Cork 
Lisburn  ^^^^^  ^^le  death  of  Lord  Mayor  MacCurtain.     As  he 

rame  out  of  a  Protestant  church  one  Sunday  in  September — the  evi- 
dence is  Mrs.  Robinson's — "three  motor  cars  came  up  filled  by  men 
who  were  veiled,  by  men  who  were  strangers  to  the  district.  They 
held  up  the  congregation  and  District  Inspector  Swanzy  was  shot  dead. 
The  Orange  population  rose  against  the  Catholic  inhaljitants  of  the  town 
and  the  Sinn  Fein  and  Nationalist  leaders  and  burned  their  houses ; 
although  the  murder  was  admittedly  committed  by  men  who  were 
strangers  in  the  town.  The  town  ]>urned  Sunday  night  and  a  large  part 
of  Monday,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  extinguish  the  flames,  although 
Lisburn  is  quite  near  to  Belfast,  and  the  skies  were  lit  up  for  miles 
around." 

As  a  result  of  her  investigation  Airs.  Robinson  estimated  that  one 
house  out  of  three  had  been  destroyed.  "The  picture  was  one  of  abso- 
lute devastation."  The  plight  of  the  homeless  was  pitiable.  In  a 
Catholic  charitable  institution  she  saw  numbers  of  women  refugees, 
driven  out  of  their  homes  in  Lisburn. 

I  saw  the  Belgian  refugees  who  came  to  us  in  Manchester.  But 
those  people  were  absolutely  the  most  hopeless  looking  lot  of  people 
I  have  ever  seen.  You  see,  in  the  northeast  it  is  almost  impossible 
for  a  boy  who  wants  to  enter  a  skilled  trade  to  get  a  place  if  he  is 
known  to  be  a  Catholic.  .  .  .     And,  of  course,  these  women  were  the 


*  The   terms   are,  of  course,  not  synonymous. 


THE    RELIGIOUS  ISSUE  113 

wives  and  mothers  of  unskilled  laborers;  and  it  has  been  very  difficult 
to  get  a  home  together.  Now  they  saw  the  effort  of  long  years  of 
toil  swept  away.  They  lacked  life.  And  then  the  children.  They 
were  absolutely  without  anything  to  do.  .  .  .  The  misery  in  that 
hall  was  very,  very  depressing. 

While  on  the  face  of  it  this  is  an  appalling  record  of  a  revival  of 
religious  strife,  all  the  witnesses  who  appeared  before  us  agreed  that 
the  Ulster  pogroms  were  not  primarily  due  to  a  spon- 
taneous   flare-up    of    smoldering    bigotry,    but    were  Economic  and 
rather  promoted  bv  those  whose  economic  and  political  \,°  '*"^^    , 

^  -  ...  Causes    or 

interests  were  opposed  both  to  strong  labor  unionism  Religious  Strife 
and  to  Irish  Republicanism.  Certain  manufacturers 
and  Unionist  politicians,  it  was  alleged,  had  taken  alarm  at  the  solidarity 
of  labor,  Protestant  and  Catholic,  shown  in  the  great  shipyard  strike  of 
1919.  The  result  of  the  urban  and  county  council  elections  held  under 
proportional  representation  had  evidenced  the  present  strength  of  labor 
and  of  Sinn  Fein  in  Unionist  strongholds.  Miss  Toksvig,  who  made 
especial  inquiry  into  the  Belfast  situation,  quoted  a  large  manufacturer 
as  follows : 

I  know  and  all  the  manufacturers  in  this  city  know,  that  the 
trouble  is  not  a  religious  trouble  except  as  it  has  been  fostered  by 
them  to  serve  their  political  and  their  economic  interests.  ...  I 
warned  them  a  long  time  ago  that  they  were  rousing  up  a  monster 
they  could  not  control  and  which  some  day  might  turn  upon  them. 
The  large  manufacturers  have  worked  together  to  keep  up  strife 
between  the  workmen  using  the  religious  issue  as  a  means  ...  to 
prevent  agitation  among  laborers  to  improve  their  conditions  and 
wages,  and  [to  prevent]   home  rule  agitation. 

This  statement,  IVIiss  Toksvig  said,  was  corroborated  by  others. 
In  effecting  this  division  among  the  workers,  the  politicians  and  manu- 
facturers have  had  the  aid  of  a  large  section  of  the  press  and  of  the 
clergy.*  As  illustrating  the  growing  alarm  of  the  employers  over  the 
economic  issue,  Mrs.  Robinson  called  attention  to  features  of  the  Home 
RuU  Bill,  recently  enacted  by  the  British  Parliament,  intended  to  secure 
the  capitalist  interests  of  Ulster  against  labor  legislation  in  the  par- 
liament to  be  set  up  for  the  six  Ulster  counties — three  of  which,  several 
witnesses  alleged,  are  predominantly  Republican  in  sentiment. 

Even  from  Protestant  Ulster  itself  comes  evidence  that  its  opposi- 
tion to  Irish  Republicanism  is  not  wholly  religious.     Sir  Edward  Carson 
would  seem  to  have  accepted  a  Home  Rule  Act  which 
gives  his  party  approximately  what  they  want  in  Ul-  J^^  vju^\^"^ 

ster   at  the   price   of    delivering   over   the   Protestant  Religious 

minority  in  the  rest  of  Ireland  to  the  majority  rule 
of  their  Catholic  neighbors.     If  the  bond  of  unity  were  the  Protestant 


*  Of  course  not  all  of  the  clergy.  The  Rev.  J.  A.  Irwin,  a  prominent  Pres- 
byterian clergyman  of  Republican  sympathies,  was  recently  sentenced  to  one 
year's    imprisonment   by    the    British. 


114  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

Faith  rather  than  the  tangle  of  interests  which  supports  the  feeling  of 
the  dissimilarity  and  superiority  of  Ulster  to  the  rest  of  Ireland,  no 
such  agreement  would  have  been  made. 

Limited  as  was  the  evidence  placed  before  us,  the  Commission  was 
made  aware  of  the  strength  of  the  Ulster  feeling  of  superiority  in  which 

condemnation  of  Catholicism  is  one  element.  This 
''Ulster  ^    ^^  conclusion  is  borne  out  by  a  careful  examination  of 

the  statements  of  the  Ulster  delegation*  to  the  United 
States  embodied  in  the  pamphlet  Facts  About  Ireland  put  in  evidence 
before  us.  Whether  or  not  that  sense  of  superiority  is  well  grounded 
in  fact  has  been  scientifically  examined  by  W.  A.  McKnight,  whose 
pamphlet  Ireland  and  the  Ulster  Legend  was  introduced  in  evidence. 
The  author  undertakes  to  show  the  truth  about  Ulster  conditions  by 
careful  tables  compiled  from  Imperial  British  Government  Blue  Books 
and  other  records  whose  accuracy  is  certified  by  a  public  accountant. 
These  tables  deal  with  taxable  wealth,  immigration,  money  expended 
on  education,  public  health,  illegitimacy,  illiteracy,  etc.  They  would 
appear  to  demolish  the  widely  spread  view  that  the  average  of  material 
prosperity  and  social  well  being  is  higher  in  Ulster  than  in  the  rest  of 
Ireland.     In  many  respects  other  provinces  make  a  better  showing. 

So  far  as  the  Commission  could  judge  the  Irish  Republicans  do  not 
seek  to  demolish  the  "Ulster  legend"  by  direct  attack.     They  desire 

to  win,  not  alienate,  Protestant  Ulster.  They  have 
Sinn  Fein's  ofi^ered  her  guarantees  as  to  not  only  religious  freedom 

Folic'  '*  °^^  ^^^^  ^^^  protection  of   her  economic  interests.       Mr. 

Laurence  Ginnell,  a  member  of  Dail  Eirann,  himself 
a  Catholic,  testified:  "We  want  the  Orangemen.  We  know  they  will 
be  one  of  the  strongest  elements  in  our  new  constitution.  If  English 
power  were  out  of  Ireland  the  south  and  the  west  and  the  midlands 
would  harmonize  with  the  people  of  the  north  within  twenty-four  hours." 
He  pointed  to  certain  concrete  evidence  of  the  growth  of  Irish  national 
feeling  in  Protestant  districts  of  Ulster,  and  in  particular  adduced  the 
election  of  Louis  Walsh  of  the  Ballycastle  district  in  County  Antrim 
— a  Protestant  county — although  Mr.  Walsh  was  a  Roman  Catholic 
and  a  Republican.  Miss  Toksvig  less  optimistically  believes  that  al- 
though the  intense  religious  feeling  in  Ulster  "was  started  artificially  .  .  . 
the  present  generation  is  not  going  to  forget  about  it  soon." 

As  regards  the  rest  of  Ireland  outside  the  region  immediately  about 
Belfast,  the  Commission  was  impressed  by  the  evidence  of  lack  of  any 

religious  strife.  In  Ireland  there  were  according  to 
Ireland  the  census  of  1911,  1,147,594  non-Catholics  as  against 

UUter*  3,242,570  Catholics.     890,880  of  these  non-Catholics 

(as  compared  with  690,816  Catholics)  are  in  Ulster, 


*  The   tour  of  this  delegation  was   in    itself  evidence   that  Ulster   Unionists 
do  not  regard  the  Irish  issue  as  merely  a  British  "domestic  problem." 


THE    RELIGIOUS  ISSUE  115 

leaving  256,714  non-Catholics  (as  compared  with  2,551,754  Catholics) 
in  all  the  rest  of  Ireland.  This  small  minority  is,  of  course,  physically 
at  the  mercy  of  the  Catholic  majority.  Yet  there  is  on  record  not  one 
single  case  of  attack  upon  the  life  and  property  of  any  Protestant  on 
account  of  his  religion.  The  Catholics  were  aware  of  the  Ulster 
pogroms,  they  suffered  under  Imperial  British  forces  predominately 
Protestant  in  religion  who  did  not  spare  their  priests,  convents*  and 
churches,  yet  they  were  guilty  of  no  reprisals  of  any  sort  upon  their 
Protestant  neighbors. 

And  the  evidence  as  to  religious  peace  is  positive  as  well  as  nega- 
tive. English,  Irish  and  American  witnesses  with  one  voice  denied 
that  religious  differences  made  for  confusion  or  discord  outside  of 
Ulster. 

Constable  Crowley,  formerly  of  the  R.  I.  C,  expressed  an  opinion 
unanimously  held  by  the  witnesses  before  us,  when  he  said  that  "Re- 
ligious   peace    was    very   great."      Perhaps    the    most 
striking  evidence  on  this  whole  subject  is  to  be  found  Religious 

in  the  testimony  of  Miss  Wilkinson,  who  said  that  the 
Wesleyan  ministers  in  Ireland  to  whom  her  brother,  himself  a  clergy- 
man, gave  her  introductions,  "entirely  ridiculed  the  idea  that  the  south- 
ern Unionists  were  in  any  danger  from  the  southern  population."  A 
clergyman  in  Limerick  assured  her  that  many  of  the  most  prosperous 
business  places  in  that  city  were  owned  by  Protestant  Unionists.  This 
minister  said  that  "generally  speaking  the  Irish  people  trusted  them 
completely  and  they  had  no  trouble  at  all ;  .  .  .  they  were  much  more 
fearful  of  what  the  Crown  forces  would  do  than  of  what  the  Sinn  Fein 
forces  would  do."  This  same  clergyman  proceeded  to  assure  her  that 
"the  policy  of  the  government  is  turning  many  of  the  Unionists  against 
it."  Miss  Louie  Bennett  and  Miss  Townshend,  Irish  Protestants, 
corroborated  the  statement  of  the  clergymen  quoted  by  Miss  Wilkinson 
to  the  effect  that  the  excesses  of  the  Imperial  British  forces  were  tend- 
ing to  dispose  southern  Protestants  favorably  toward  the  Republican 
government.  Protestant  business  men,  clergymen  and  farmers  resort  to 
Republican  courts.  Testimony  already  set  forth  in  our  main  report 
calls  attention  to  the  significant  fact  that  the  condensed-milk  factory  at 
Mallow  destroyed  by  the  Imperial  British  forces  in  reprisal  was  owned 
by  Mr.  Cleeve,  a  Protestant.  In  the  same  town  the  Episcopal  rector  and 
the  Presbyterian  minister  cooperated  with  the  Catholic  priest  in  an 
appeal  to  the  British  Commander  to  prevent  a  reprisal.  Miss  Townshend 
introduced  in  evidence  a  letter  from  Miss  N.  O'Brien,  organizer  of  the 
Gaelic  League,  herself  a  Protestant,  who  testified  that  the  rising  spirit 
of  Irish  nationalism  was  uniting  Catholic  and  Protestant  in  a  common 
bond  of  unity.     She  illustrated  this  by  citing  St.  Brendan's  school  near 


*  On   this  point  we  have   evidence   from   Miss   Bennett,  a   Protestant. 


116  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

Dublin  where  Catholics  and  Protestants  had  united  in  an  interesting 
educational  experiment. 

Miss  Mary  MacSwiney  and  other  Irish  witnesses  called  to  our 
attention  the  fact  that  Wolfe  Tone,  Robert  Emmet,  Charles  Stewart 
Parnell,  and  many  other  of  the  patriot  leaders  in  Ire- 
Protestant  land's  history  were  Protestant.  In  1798  the  strength 
of  the  insurrectionary  movement  was  in  Protestant 
Ulster.  It  was  further  testified  that  at  the  present  time  such  prominent 
Republican  leaders  as  Mr.  Ernest  Blythe  of  Dail  Eirann,  Capt.  Robert 
Barton,  Mr.  Erskine  Childers,  and  others  are  Protestant.  These  leaders 
have  held  the  suffrage  of  their  fellow  countrymen  despite  the  fact  that 
they  belong  to  a  religious  minority.  Miss  Bennett  who  is  organizer  of 
the  Women's  Trade  Union  League  found  that  her  Protestantism  in  no 
way  interfered  with  her  work  among  Dublin  working  girls,  almost  all 
of  whom  are  Catholic. 

Miss  Bennett  and  others  made  it  clear  that  not  only  were  some 
Protestants  Republican  in  sympathy  but  also  that  there  were  Catholics 
who  were  anti-Republican.  Miss  Bennett  testified  that  among  the 
Catholic  clergy  were  those  who  at  best  were  decidedly  lukewarm  to- 
ward Sinn  Fein.  She  cited  the  case  of  one  priest  who  refused  to  lead 
his  flock  in  prayers  for  Terence  MacSwiney  during  his  heroic  hunger 
strike. 

While  the  Commission  wished  for  fuller  evidence  upon  some  of 
the  points  we  have  here  discussed,  we  felt  warranted  in  the  following 
conclusions : 

SUMMARY 

1.  Outside  of  a  part  of  Ulster,  Catholics  and  Protestants  live  in 
peace  and  harmony  and  their  political  opinions  are  not  primarily  a 
matter  of  religion. 

2.  Even  in  Ulster  religious  bigotry  is  not  by  any  means  wholly 
spontaneous,  but  is  artificially  stirred  up  by  those  whose  economic  and 
political  interests  are  served  by  dividing  the  people. 

3.  While  it  obviously  lies  beyond  our  province  to  pass  final  judg- 
ment upon  the  various  aspects  of  the  LHster  issue,  we  have  not  only 
a  right  but  a  duty  as  American  Protestants  to  denounce  the  degradation 
of  religion  by  such  pogroms  as  occurred  last  summer.  Upon  this  sub- 
ject we  owe  it  to  our  fellow  religionists  both  in  America  and  in  Ulster, 
to  speak  plainly. 

Washington,  D.  C.  (Signed)        Jane  Addams. 

March    8th,    1921.  .  FREDERIC    C.    HoWE. 

James  H.  Maurer. 
Oliver  P.  Newman. 
•'  •  -         George  W.  Norris. 

Norman  Thomas. 
■  .         .  l.  hollingsworth  wood. 


APPENDICES 


Appendix    A 

Correspondence  with  the  British  Embassy  and  Prof.  De  Valera, 
President  of  the  Irish  Republic. 

Appendix    B 

Statement  by   the   Irish   Woman's   International    League. 

Appendix    C 

List  of  Papers  Suppressed  by  Imperial  British  Authority. 

Appendix    D 

Official  Report  of  County  Judge  Bodkin. 

Appendix    E 

Sworn  Statement  of  John  McNamara. 

Appendix    F 

Sworn   Statement  of  Michael  Kelly. 

Appendix    G 

Legal   Testimony   on   the    Burning   of   Cork   from   the    Cork    Weekly 
Exmnbier. 


APPENDIX    "A" 


Correspondence 

October  8,   1920. 
Sir  Auckland  Geddes 

The  British  Embassy, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Sir  Auckland: 

Under  date  of  September  24  I  had  the  honor  to  send  to  you  a  list  of  the  then 
members  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  which  has  been  formed  at  the 
suggestion  of  "The  Nation"  for  the  investigation  of  Irish  atrocities.  Under  date 
of  September  27  the  names  and  addresses  of  a  number  of  persons  in  Ireland  who 
had  been  invited  by  the  Committee  to  come  to  this  country  for  the  purpose  of 
testifying  before  the  Commission  which  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  was  to 
choose  was  also  transmitted,  together  with  the  request  that  you  would  be  so 
good  as  to  communicate  the  names  to  the  British  Government  in  order  that 
assurance  might  be  given  that  no  impediment  would  be  placed  in  the  way  of  any 
of  those  persons  who  mipht  desire  to  accept  the  invitation  in  question,  and  that 
there  might  be  no  reprisals. 

An  acknowledgment  of  my  letter  of  September  27  was  made  by  the  Chancery 
of  the  British  Embassy  under  date  of  September  28. 

I  have  now  the  honor  to  enclose  revised  lists  of  the  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  One  Hundred.  I  take  the  occasi-n  which  is  thus  afforded  to  advise  you 
further  with  regard  to  the  status  and  plans  of  both  the  Committee  and  the 
Commission,  so  far  as  the  same  have  developed  up  to  this  time. 

The  members  of  the  Committee,  now  numbering  nearly  one  hundred  and 
fifty,  are  sending  in  their  ballots  for  the  members  of  the  Commission  which  will 
conduct  the  investigation  in  question.  The  balloting  for  the  members  of  the 
Commission,  the  number  of  whom  will  probably  not  exceed  seven,  is  expected  to 
be  completed  within  a  very  few  days,  and  it  is  hoped  that  the  Commission  will  be 
able  to  organize  and  open  its  sessions  at  Washington  in  the  week  begjinning 
October  18.  The  list  of  the  members  of  the  Commission  will  be  communicated  to 
you  as  soon  as  their  acceptances  have  been  received. 

As  soon  as  the  Commission  comes  into  being  the  direct  connection  of  "The 
Nation"  with  the  investigation  will  cease,  the  Commission  adopting  such  pro- 
cedure and  carrying  its  inquiry  to  such  extent  as  it  may  itself  decide. 

For  the  information  of  the  Commission,  we  are  having  prepared  a  preliminary 
list  of  the  events  in  Ireland  for  whose  investigation  the  Commission  has  been 
created.  We  have  also,  because  of  the  urgency  of  this  whole  matter,  as  my  letter 
of  September  27  informed  you,  extended  invitations  to  various  persons  in  Ireland 
to  appear  as  witnesses;  and  we  shall  continue  to  extend  similar  invitations  as 
occasion  arises  down  to  the  day  when  the  Commission  organizes  to  begin  its 
work.  It  is  not  at  all  the  intention,  however,  to  limit  the  inquiry  to  witnesses 
thus  invited.  It  will  doubtless  be  the  desire  of  the  Commission  that  the  inquiry 
shall  take  the  widest  practicable  range,  and  that  equal  opportunity  shall  be 
given  for  the  presentation  of  evidence  on  every  side  of  the  case. 

We  desire  to  observe  in  the  matter  all  the  recognized  diplomatic  proprieties. 
In  the  interest  of  a  thorough  and  impartial  inqui'-v,  however,  I  have  the  honor 
to  request  your  assistance  and  cooperation  in  obta  ning  the  presence  of  witnesses 
and  the  production  of  evidence. 

The  Committee  is  prepared  to  assume  some  of  the  expense  incident  to 
bringing  witnesses  to  this  country  from  Great  Britain  or  elsewhere.  It  is 
necessary,  of  course,  to  have  regard  to  the  requirements  of  a  budget;  but  after 
meeting  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  Commission,  which  we  are  prepared  to 
finance  to  any  necessary  extent,  and  on  behalf  of  which  we  have  opened  this 
week  a  public  subscription  through  an  announcement  in  "The  Nation,"  we  will 
meet  in  equal  proportion,  to  such  extent  as  may  be  mutually  agreed  upon,  the 
expense  of  witnesses  representing  the  British  side  of  the  matter  and  witnesses 
representing  the  Irish  side  of  the  matter.  It  is  manifest,  however,  that  in  view 
of  the  large  number  of  witnesses  whom  the  Committee  may  deem  it  desirable  to 
examine,  or  who  may  themselves  desire  to  appear,  a  part  of  the  expense  must  be 
met  either  by  such  witnesses  themselves  or  by  those  on  whose  behalf  they* 
appear  before  the   Commission. 

119 


120 


AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 


We  shall  accordingly  be  very  glad  to  be  informed  by  you  approximately  how 
many  witnesses  you  wish  to  produce,  and  how  many  of  them  it  would  seem  to 
you  proper  that  we  should  pay  for.  We  shall  of  course  desire  the  names  and 
addresses  of  such  witnesses,  and  an  indication  of  the  events  to  which  they  will 
be  prepared  to  testify. 

The  Commission  will  be  prepared  to  examine  any  competent  witnesses  and 
to  spend  any  necessary  length  of  time  upon  the  inquiry.  I  accordingly  beg  to 
repeat  my  request  for  your  cooperation,  and  for  assurances  that  no  impediment 
will  be  placed  in  the  way  of  witnesses  who  may  be  invited.  We  are  of  course 
confident  that  we  shall  have  the  cooperation  of  your  Government  in  preventing 
any   reprisals   against  witnesses    or   their   friends. 

I  have  the  honor  to  state,  further,  that  we  are  prepared  to  arrange  through 
our  representative  in  England  the  details  of  obtaining  such  passports  or  visas  as 
may  be  required  both  for  those  whom  you  may  wish  us  to  bring  and  for  those 
whcm  others  may  desire  us  to  bring.  This  is  a  matter  which,  as  we  understand, 
neither  the  Department  of  State  at  Washington  nor  the  British  Foreign  Oflfice  is 
in  the  habit  of  undertaking   directly. 

The  Commission  will  also  be  prepared  to  receive  copies  of  affidavits  or 
other  documents  which  may  be  submitted  as  evidence,  duly  certified  in  the 
usual  way. 

The  Commission  will  be  provided  with  the  necessary  legal  counsel,  and  a 
complete  stenographic  report  of  the  hearings,  which  will  be  public,  will  be 
made.  The  work  of  preparation  for  the  sessions  of  the  Commission  has  pro- 
ceeded from  the  beginning  under  competent  legal  advice.  It  is  also  the  intention 
to  allow  all  parties  in  interest  to  be  represented  by  counsel,  and  every  opportunity 
will  be  given  for  such  counsel  to  examine  documents,  to  interrogate  witnesses, 
and  to  file  with  the  Commission  any  statements  or  exceptions  which  they  may 
see  fit  to  make. 

I  beg  to  add  that  a  communication  to  the  same  effect  as  the  foregoing  is 
being  sent  by  this  mail  to   Professor  E.  De  Valera. 

I  have  the   honor  to  remain. 

Yours   respectfully, 

(Signed)     WILLIAM    MacDONALD, 

Secretary, 
•   ■  COMMITTEE  OF  ONE  HUNDRED  ON  IRELAND. 


BRITISH  EMBASSY, 
WASHINGTON. 


11th   October,  1920. 


Sir: 

With  reference  to  your  letter  of  September  27th,  1920,  relative  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  One  Hundred  organized  by  the  "Nation,"  I  am  directed  by  His 
Majesty's  Ambassador  to  inform  you  that  no  one  will  be  refused  a  passport  for 
the  United  States  on  the  ground  that  he  or  she  desires  to  give  evidence  on  either 
side  and  that,  while  His  Majesty's  Government  would  take  no  steps  against 
any  British  subject  who  may  elect  to  give  evidence  before  the  Commission,  they 
cannot  guarantee  that  no  reprisals  will  be  enforced  by  Sinn  Fein  extremists  in 
Ireland  against  persons  who  have  given  evidence  against  certain  elements  in 
that  movement,  should   such  persons  return   to  Ireland. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 


(Signed) 


William   MacDonald,  Esq., 
Associate  Editor 
"The  Nation." 

20  Vesey  Str?et, 
New  York. 


R.  L.  CRAIGIE, 

Secretary. 


October  13,  1920. 
The  Secretary,  British  Embassy, 

Washington,  D.  C. 
Sir: 

I  beg  to  acknowledge  with  sincere  appreciation  the  receipt  of  your  letter 
of  October  11.  A  copy  of  the  letter  is  being  communicated  to  Mr.  E.  DeValera 
for  his  information. 

Yours  very  truly, 

(Signed)     WILLIAM    MacDONALD, 

Secretary, 
COMMITTEE  OF  ONE  HUNDRED  ON  IRELAND, 


APPENDIX 


121 


BRITISH  EMBASSY, 
WASHINGTON. 


Sir: 


23d    October,    1920. 


I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  8th  instant  respecting 
your  proposal  to  form  an  unofficial  Committee  of  Enquiry  with  reference  to 
recent  occurrences  in  Ireland.  To  this  I  have  given  careful  consideration. 

I  venture  to  say  that  no  one  who  realizesi  what  the  present  position  in 
Ireland  involves  in  the  sorrow  and  suffering  of  men,  women  and  children  can 
fail  to  be  anxious  that  a  way  should  be  found  to  bring  tranquility  to  that 
country.  The  British  Government  has  more  to  gain  than  anyone  in  ensuring 
that  the  truth  is  made  known  to  the  whole  world.  I  am,  however,  unable  toi 
bring  myself  to  believe  that  the  truth  can  be  established  until  there  has  been 
a  period  of  quiet  in  Ireland.  Any  enquiry  undertaken  just  now,  more  especially 
any  enquiry  undertaken  by  persons  of  less  than  the  greatest  experience  of  the 
laws  of  evidence  and  without  power  to  compel  the  production  of  books,  papers, 
records,  etc.,  would,  in  my  opinion,  lead  to  a  mass  of  statements,  unsupported 
by  verifiable  facts,  being  made  for  propaganda  purposes. 

Sincere  friends  of  Ireland  should,  it  appears  to  me,  do  everything  in  their 
power  to  persuade  all  desirous  of  obtaining  a  solution  of  the  age-long  Irish 
problem  that  the  first  and  deepest  interest  of  Ireland  is  to  secure  that  period  of 
quiet  which  will  alone  make  settlement  possible  by  providing  the  opportunity 
for  voices  now  inaudible  to  make  themselves  heard  above  the  din. 

As  you  were  informed  in  the  letter  from  this  Embassy  of  October  11th,  the 
British  Government  will  refuse  no  one  a  passport  to  the  United  States  on  the 
ground  that  he  or  she  desires  to  give  evidence  on  either  side  before  your 
committee.  It  was  added  that,  while  His  Majesty's  Government  would  take  no 
steps  against  any  British  subject  who  might  elect  to  give  evidence  before  the 
committee,  they  could  not  guarantee  that  no  reprisals  would  be  enforced  byl 
Sinn  Fein  extremists  in  Ireland  against  persons  who  have  given  evidence  against 
certain  elements  in  that  movement,  should  such  persons  return  to  Ireland.  I, 
may  add  that  nothing  will  be  done  by  the  British  Government  to  encourage  the 
holding  of  this  enquiry  or  to  assist  witnesses  to  appear  before  the  committee. 


Yours  truly. 


William  MacDonald,  Esq., 
"The   Nation," 

20  Vesey  Street,  New  York. 


(Signed)     A.  GEDDES. 


AMERICAN  COMMISSION   ON   CONDITIONS  IN  IRELAND 


Hotel  LaFayette,  Washington,  D.  C. 

November  6,  1920. 
Sir  Auckland  Geddes, 
British  Embassy, 

Washington,   D.   C. 

Dear  Sir  Auckland: 

I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the  American  Commission  on  Condi- 
tions in  Ireland,  elected  by  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  formed  at  the 
suggestion  of  The  Editors  of  The  Nation,  has  met  and  organized  and  is  prepared 
to   proceed   with    its    inquiry    into    conditions    in    Ireland. 

The  members  of  the  Commission  are:  Miss  Jane  Addams,  Chicago,  Illinois; 
Mr.  James  H.  Maurer,  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania;  Mr.  Frederic  C.  Howe,  Harmon, 
New  York;  the  Honorable  Joseph  W.  Folk,  Washington,  D.  C;  Senator  David  I. 
Walsh,  Boston,  Massachusetts;  Mr.  Raymond  Robins,  Chicago,  Illinois;  and 
Mr.  Alexander  P.  Moore,  Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania.*  The  office  of  the  Commission 
is  at  the  Hotel  LaFayette,  Washington. 

The  Commission  has  voted  to  begin  public  hearings  at  the  Hotel  LaFayette 
on  Wednesday,  November  17,  and  to  continue  the  hearings  on  November  18 
and  19.  Hearings  will  be  held  at  10  A.  M.  and  2  P.  M.  on  the  days  named. 
The  dates  of  subsequent  hearings  will  be  announced   later. 

The  Commission  plans  to  make  an  entirely  impartial  inquiry  and  is  anxious 
that  all  sides  of  the  matter  shall  be  fully  presented.  It  is  already  in  communica- 
tion with  a  number  of  persons  in  this  country  who  desire  to  offer  testimony,  but 


122  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

it  will  also  be  glad  to  receive  from  any  source  the  names  of  other  persons  who 
are  prepared  to  testify  on  conditions  of  which  they  have  personal  knowledge. 

I  shall  be  glad  to  give  you  at  any  time  any  information  regarding  the  hear- 
ings that  you  may  desire. 

Yours  very  truly, 

(Signed)     WILLIAIVI   MacDONALD, 

Secretary  to  the  Commission. 

•These    were    the    members    of    the    Commission    as    originally    chosen.       Jlessrs.     Folk, 
Robins    and    Moore    were    unable    to    give    the    time    necessary    to    the    inquiry. 


AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  CONDITIONS  IN  IRELAND 

Hotel  LaFayette,  Washington,  D.  C. 

November  6,  1920. 
Sir  Auckland  Geddes, 

British  Embassy, 

Washington,  D.  C. 
Dear  Sir  Auckland: 

On  behalt  of  the  American  Commission  on  Conditions  in  Ireland  I  havre 
the  honor  to  request  your  good  offices  in  securing  passports  to  the  United 
States  for  the  following  residents  of  Ireland:  His  Eminence  Cardinal  Logue, 
on  behalf  of  such  members  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy  of  Ireland  as  he 
may  designate;  the  Mayor  of  Belfast;  Mr.  Dempsey,  Chairman  of  the  Urban 
Council  of  Mallow;  Mr.  John  Derham,  Town  Commissioner  of  Balbriggan;  the 
Mayor  of  Londonderry;  Mrs.  Thomas  MacCurtain,  of  Cork;  Mr.  Denis  Morgan, 
Chairman  of  the  Urban  Council  of  Thurles;  Mr.  Donald  O'Gallachain,  Acting 
Lord  Mayor  of  Cork;   and  Miss  Irene  E.  Swanzy,  of  Lisbum. 

The  Commission  is  charged  with  the  duty  of  making  the  investigation  for 
the  furtherance  of  which  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  was  organized.  Iri 
preparation  for  the  investigation  the  persons  named  above  were  invited  some 
time  ago  by  the  editors  of  The  Nation,  a  weekly  journal  published  in  New  York 
City,  to  come  to  this  country  for  the  purpose  of  testifying  before  the  Com- 
mission; and  it  is  on  their  behalf  that  the  present  request  for  passports  is  made. 

Under  date  of  October  11  I  was  advised  by  the  Secretary  of  the  British 
Embassy  that  the  British  Government  would  not  refuse  passports  to  any  British 
subject  on  the  ground  of  his  desire  to  come  to  the  United  States  for  the  purpose 
of  testifying  before  the  Com.mission.  The  Commission  begs  to  express  the  hope 
that  passports  for  the  persons  named,  or  for  such  others  as  the  Commission  may 
deem  it  desirable  to  invite,  may  not  be  withheld,  but  that  upon  due  application 
by   the    persons   named    the    necessary   papers    may    be    promptly    issued. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  what  I  earnestly  hope  may  be  your  favorable  reply,  the 
Commission  will  immediately  communicate  with  the  persons  for  whom  passports 
are  requested  and  ask  them  to  make  application  for  their  passports  in  the 
usual  form. 

I   have   the  honor  to   remain, 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

(Signed)     WILLIAM   MacDONALD, 

Secretary  to  the  Commission. 


BRITISH  EMBASSY, 
WASHINGTON. 


November   10,  1920. 


Sir: 

I  am  directed  by  His  Majesty's  Ambassador  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
your   two    letters   dated   November    6th. 

In  reply  to  that  dealing  with  the  issue  of  passports  for  certain  persons 
resident  in  Ireland  to  come  to  this  country.  Sir  Auckland  Geddes  can  only  refer 
you  to  his  letter  of  October  23rd,  in  which,  while  you  were  informed  that  His 
Majesty's  Government  would  do  nothing  to  encourage  the  holding  of  the  enquiry 
instituted  by  "The  Nation,"  or  to  assist  witnesses  to  appear  before  the  com- 
mittee set  up  by  that  publication,  it  was  expressly  stated  that  no  one  Wouldl 
be  refused  a  passport  for  the  United  States  on  the  ground  that  he  or  she  desired 
to   give    evidence    on    either   side   before    the    Committee. 

The  persons  to  whom  you   refer,   or   anyone   else   who   may   wish   to   appear 


APPENDIX  123 

before   your   cominittee,   should,    therefore,   make   application    for   a   passport    in 
the  ordinary  way. 

Yours  very  truly, 

(Signed)     R.  I.   CRAIGIE, 

Secretary. 
William   MacDonald,  Esq  , 
Hotel    LaFayette, 

Washington,    D.    C. 


AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON   CONDITIONS  IN  IRELAND 

Hotel  LaFayette,  Washington,  D.  C. 

November  24,  1920. 
Sir  Auckland  Geddes, 

The   British   Embassy, 
Washington,  D.   C. 

Dear  Sir  Auckland: 

On  behalf  of  the  American  Commission  on  Conditions  in  Ireland  I  have 
today  made  application  to  the  Department  of  State  for  the  immediate  issuance 
of  passports  to  the  British  Isles  to  Norman  M.  Thomas,  of  New  York  City; 
Arthur  Gleason,  of  New  York  City;  James  H.  Maurer,  of  Reading,  Pennsylvania; 
and  Oliver  P.  Newman,  of  Washington,  D.  C.  The  persons  for  whom  passports 
are  requested  have  been  designated  by  the  Commission  to  proceed  to  England 
and  Ireland  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  conditions  in  Ireland.  The  purpose 
of  the  investigation,  as  well  as  the  nature  and  membership  of  the  Commission 
itself,    have    already   been    communicated   to    you. 

I  have  the  honor  now  to  request  your  good  offices  in  assuring  the  grant 
of  visas  at  New  York  to  the  persons  named  above  for  whom  passports  have 
been    asked. 

The  Commission  wil.  feel  under  great  obligation  to  you  and  to  the  Gov- 
ernment v.'hich  you  have  the  honor  to  represent  if,  in  addition  to  your  good 
offices  in  the  mailer  of  visas,  you  are  able  to  secure  for  the  Commission  assur- 
ance that  the  persons  named  will  receive,  so  far  as  it  is  within  the  power  of 
the  British  Government  to  give,  full  protection  during  their  stay  in  Ireland  and 
full   privilege   of  travel  throughout   the   country. 

i   have  the   honor  to   remain, 

Respectfully  yours, 

(Signed)     WILLIAM    MacDONALD, 

Secretary  to  the   Commission. 


AMERICAN   COMMISSION  ON   CONDITIONS  IN  IRELAND 

Hotel  LaFayette,  Washington,  D.  C. 

December  6,  1920. 
Sir  Auckland  Geddes, 

The   British   Embassy, 
Washington,  D.   C. 

Dear  Sir  Auckland: 

Lnder  date  of  November  24  I  had  the  honor  of  communicating  to  you  the 
names  of  certain  persons  for  v/hom  passports  to  the  British  Isles  had  been 
requested  by  the  American  Commission  on  Conditions  in  Ireland  and  to  solicit 
your  good  oflices  in  assuring  the  grant  of  visas  at  New  York  to  the  persons 
named.  The  purpose  of  the  application  for  passports  and  the  request  for  visas 
v/as    also    stated. 

I  have  the  honor  now  to  advise  you  that  in  addition  to  the  persons  named 
in  my  letter  of  November  24  the  Commission  has  also  designated  Dean  Robert 
Morse  Lovett  of  the  University  of  Chicago  and  myself  as  further  members  of 
the   committee   which   it   is   proposing  to   send    to   England   and   to    Ireland. 

All  of  the  persons  named  are  in  the  possession  of  passports  or  hav^e  made 
application  for  them. 

I  was  advised  on  Saturday,  the  fourth  instant,  at  the  British  Passport 
Bureau  in  New  York  that  visas  for  the  persons  named  above  could  not  be 
issued  there  but  that  instructions  had  been  received  from  the  British  Embassy 
to  refer  all  such  applications  to  the  Embassy  where  the  matter  would  be 
dealt    with    directly    with    the    Commission.      As    the    persons    who    have    been 


124  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

designated  by  the  Commission  desire  to  sail  witliin  a  few  days,  it  is  important 
tliat  they  should  know  whether  or  not  visas  are  to  be  granted  and  where  the 
same  are  to  be  obtained.  I  regret  to  say  that  no  reply  seems  to  have  been 
received  to  my  letter  of  November  24  and  I  am,  accordingly,  writing  to  call 
the  matter  again  to  your  attention.  I  shall  welcome  the  courtesy  of  an  early 
reply. 

I   have  the   hoi:or  to   remain, 

Respectfully  yours, 

(Signed)     WILLIAM    MacDONALD, 

Secretary  to   the   Commission. 


BRITISH  EMBASSY, 

"  WASHINGTON. 

Mr.   William    MacDonald,  6th  December,  1920. 

Hotel  LaFayette, 

Washington,    D.    C. 
Sir: 

I  am  directed  by  His  Majesty's  Ambassador  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your 
letters  of  the  24th  ulto.  and  of  today's  date,  intimating  the  desire  of  the  Com- 
mission of  which  you  are  the  Secretary  to  send  a  party  of  persons,  six  in 
number  including  yourself,  to  investigate  conditions  in  Ireland.  I  am  to  state 
that  this  application  is  receiving  very  careful  consideration,  and  that  a  definite 
reply  will   be  returned   to  ycu   at  ths   earliest  possible   moment.  .  .  . 

As  regards  the  last  paragraph  of  your  letter,  I  would  observe  that,  while 
it  is  correct  that  applications  to  proceed  to  Ireland  in  connection  with  the 
enquiry  must  be  referred  by  the  Passport  Oifiser  at  New  York  to  this  Embassy, 
you  are  incorrectly  informed  in  regard  to  the  necessity  of  dealing  directly 
in  the  matter  with  His  Majesty's  Embassy.  Applications  for  passports  should 
continue    to   bo    made    to    the    British    Passport    Officer   at    New    York. 

I   am,    Sir, 

Yours  very  truly,  (Signed)     R.   I.   CRAIGIE, 

1st   Secretary. 

AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON   CONDITIONS  IN  IRELAND 

Hctel  LaFayette,  Washington,  D.  C. 
The    Secretary,  December  7th,   1920. 

British    Embassy, 

1300   Connecticut  Avenue, 
Washington,    D.    C. 
Sir: 

I  beg  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  6th  instant.  It  is 
gratifying  to  know  that  the  request  which  has  been  made  by  the  American 
Commission  on  Conditions  in  Ireland,  on  behalf  cf  the  persons  whom  the  Com- 
mission has  designated  to  go  to  Ireland,  is  receiving  careful  consideration,  and 
I  shall  hope  that  a  definite  reply  may,  as  your  letter  suggests,  be  returned 
to   me   at   the    earliest   possible    moment.  .  .  . 

I  note  the  information  conveyed  in  the  last  paragraph  of  your  letter  to 
the  eff'ect  that  applications  for  visas  are  to  be  made  at  New  York  and  not  at 
the  Embassy.  I  beg  to  point  out,  however,  that  the  members  of  the  Committee 
whose  names  have  been  furnished  you  will  be  subjected  to  embarrassment  in 
arranging  for  passage  to  England  unless  they  can  know  for  a  reasonable  period 
in  advance  that  visas  will  be  granted  and  when  they  may  be  obtained.  I 
accordingly  beg  to  renew  the  request  for  a  decision  in  the  matter  at  the  earliest 
possible    date. 

I    have    the    hono7'    to    remain. 

Respectfully    yours, 

(Signed)     WILLIAM    MacDONALD, 

Secretary  to  the   Commission. 

BRITISH  EMBASSY, 
WASHINGTON. 

8th  December,  1920. 
Sir: 

With  reference  to  ycur  application  for  visa  cf  the  passports  of  certain 
gentlemen  whom  your  Committee  have  designated  as  their  representatives  to 
proceed    to    the    United    Kingdom    to    investigate    conditions    in    Ireland,    I    am 


APPENDIX  125 

directed  by  His  Britannic  Majesty's  Ambassador  to  inform  you  that  the  pro- 
posed visit  to  British  territory  is  not  agreeable  to  His  Majesty's  Government. 
Visas  will  therefore  not  be  affixed  to  the  passports  in  question.  The  Passport 
Officer  in    New  York   has   been   instructed   accordingly. 

This  decision  has  been  reached  after  full  consideration  of  the  circumstances 
of  the  case  and  1  am  to  refer  you  to  the  Ambassador's  letter  of  October  23rd,  in 
which  he  informed  ycu  that  he  v/as  unable  to  believe  that  the  truth  could  be 
established  until  there  had  been  a  period  of  quiet  in  Ireland  and  then  only  by 
persons  of  the  greatest  experience  of  the  laws  of  evidence  with  power  to  compel 
the  production  of  books,  papers  and  records  and  that  any  other  form  of  enquiry 
would  in  his  opinion  lead  only  to  a  mass  of  statements  unsupported  by  facts  being 
made    for    propaganda    purposes. 

Sir  Auckland  Geddes  had  ventured  to  hope  that  the  full  meaning  and  sig- 
nificance   of    these    observations    would    have    been    clear. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Ambassador's  letter  to  you  of  the  23rd  October 
last  appeared  in  the  press,  I  am  to  inform  you  that  this  letter  will  be  published. 

I  am.  Sir, 

Yours  very  truly, 

(Sig-nedl     R.  L.  CRAIGIE, 

First  Secretary. 


AMERICAN  COMMISSION   ON   CONDITIONS  IN  IRELAND 

Hotel    Lafayette, 
"Washington,  D.   G. 

8   December,   1920. 
The    Secretary, 

British   Embassy, 

Washington,  D.   G. 
Sir: 

I  am  directed  by  the  American  Commission  on  Conditions  in  Ireland  to 
make  the  following  reply  to  your  letter  of  this  date  addressed  to  the  Secretary 
of  the   Commission. 

The  American  Commission  on  Conditions  in  Ireland,  chosen  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  One  Hundred,  has  received  your  communicatiom  stating  that  visas 
will  not  be  affixed  to  the  passports  of  a  committee  of  its  members  appoijnted 
to  visit  Great  Britain  "to  investigate  conditions  in  Ireland  "  Your  statement 
assumes  that  the  proceedings  of  the  committee  would  necessarily  partake  of  a 
quasi-judicial  character  impossible  under  the  circumstances.  We  venture  to 
suggest  that  the  Embassy  has  somewhat  misunderstood  both  the  situation  and 
our  own  purpose.  A  committee  of  friendly  American  citizens  deeply  desirous 
of  world  peace  might,  in  a  much  simpler  manner  than  you  suggest,  ascertain 
the  state  of  public  opinion  both  in  England  and  in  Ireland,  and  learn  facts 
not  now  understood  in  America;  indeed,  some  such  step  has  seemed  to  the 
Commission  imperative  in  view  of  the  fact  that  thus  far,  in  spite  of  zealous 
efforts,  we  have  been  unable  to  secure  coinpetent  witnesses  to  present  testimony 
on   the  existing  situation  from   non-Republican  British  and   Irish   points   of  view. 

In  seeking  to  send  a  committee  to  Great  Britain  we  have  but  followed  the 
suggestion  originally  made  to  us  by  representatives  of  groups  prominent  in 
both  English  and  Irish  life.  We  had  expected  that  this  step  would  meet  with 
the  approval  lof  the  Embassy,  in  view  of  the  fact  that,  in  his  letter  of  23rd( 
October,  Sir  Auckland  Geddes  stated  that  "the  British  Government  has  more 
to  gain  than  anyone  in  ensuring  that  the  truth  is  made  known  to  the  whole 
world."  It  was  and  is  our  firm  conviction  that  such  a  committee  as  we  had 
intended  to  send  might  make  plain  to  the  peoples  both  of  England  and  of 
Ireland  the  compelling  reasons  for  America's  interest.  The  American  people 
are  united  by  ties  of  blood  to  both  countries.  The  Irish  question  deeply 
engrosses  our  people's  interest.  It  is  literally  a  domestic  issue  within  the 
United  States.  If  the  present  tragic  conditions  continue,  they  will  menace 
world   friendship   and    ultimately   world   peace. 

In  view  of  these  facts  we  cannot  but  hope  that  the  decision  of  the  British 
Government  is  not  final.  If  your  letter  were  to  represent  the  final  opinion  of 
the  British  Government,  certain  regrettable  conclusions  would  seem  to  follow. 
It  would  seem  to  imply  autocratic  interference  on  the  part  of  government  with 
the  free  communication  of  friendly  peoples.  It  would  check  for  the  moment 
a  modest  but  sincere  effort  toward  the  formation  of  an  international  public 
opinion  which  oculd  be  made  to  focus  upon  problems  which  threaten  the  peace 
of  the  world. 

The  Commission  will  continue  its  work  in  conformity  with  its  original 
purpose.     It  cannot  but  hope  that  both  in  England  and  in  Ireland  there  will  be 


126  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

a  full  understanding  of  its  friendly  purposes,  as  each   day's  events  make  more 
evident    the    tragic    possibilities    inherent    in    the    situation. 
I  have   the   honour  to   remain, 

Respectfully    yours, 

(Signed)     WILLIAM    MacDONALD, 

Secretary  to  the  Commission. 


BRITISH   EMBASSY, 
WASHINGTON. 

The    Chancery    of   the    British   Embassy   beg   to    acknowledge    the    receipt   of 
Mr.   MacDonald's    letter    of    December   8th. 
William    MacDonald,    Esq., 

Secretary   to    the    American    Commission    on    Conditions    in    Ireland, 
Hotel   Lafayette, 

Washington,    D.    C. 

December  9,  1920. 


ELECTED    GOVERNMENT 

10  f 

THE    REPUBLIC    OF   IRELAND 

(American  Delegation) 

1045    Munsey   Building, 

Washington,    D.    C. 

9th   October,   1920. 
Mr.   William   MacDonald, 
The    Nation, 

20    Vesey   Street,   New   York    City. 
Dear  Sir: 

President  De  Valera  instructs  me  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your  communi- 
cation of  October  8.  He  desires  me  to  assure  you  that  he  will  be  very  glad 
to  assist  and  co-operate  with  the  Commission,  as  far  as  lies  within  his  power, 
so  as  to  make  their  inquiry  as   exhaustive   and   satisfactory  as  possible. 

He  foresees,  however,  the  degree  to  which  he  is  likely  to  be  hampered  by 
the  fact  that,  owing  to  British  control  of  the  cables,  rapid  communication 
with  his  colleagues  in  the  Government  of  Ireland  is  made  impossible;  and,  as 
the  British  have  control  of  the  seas,  safe-conducts  from  them  for  our  witnesses 
would    be    necessary. 

The  President  assures  "The  Nation"  that  there  is  no  fear  whatever  that 
reprisals  will  be  attempted  by  the  Irish  people  against  any  witnesses  who 
may  testify. 

He  regrets  that  he  is  unable  to  say  in  advance,  even  approximately,  how 
many  witnesses  the  Irish  Government  may  desire  to  produce.  The  Acting- 
President  is  on  the  spot  in  Ireland,  and  as  he  will  have  to  be  communicated 
with  in  any  event,  it  would  save  time  if  "The  Nation"  would  communicate  with 
him  directly. 

Very   sincerely   yours, 

(Signed)     JOSEPH    BEGLEY, 
Secretary     to  the  President. 


REPUBLIC    OF   IRELAND 
DIPLOMATIC  MISSION 
TO  THE 
UNITED  STATES 

1045  Munsey  Building, 

Washington,  D.   C. 
November  18,  1920. 
Mr.  William  MacDonald, 
Secretary, 

American   Commission   on   Ireland, 

Hotel    LaFayette,   Washington,   D.    C. 
Dear  Sir: 

President  De  Valera  has  instructed  me  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  your 
letter  of  November  5,  and  to  repeat  what  I  said  to  you  in  my  letters  of  9th 
and  16th  October,  to  the  effect  that  the  Irish  Government  would  be  pleased  to 
assist  the  Commission,  so  far  as  it  can,  in  the  inquiry  which  it  has  undertaken. 


APPENDIX  127 

I  am,  however,  to  state  that  the  Government  cannot  undertake  to  procure 
witnesses   or  provide  them   with   Counsel. 

In  order  that  the  Commission  might  arrive  at  a  full  understanding  of  the 
extent  of  the  savagery  of  which  the  armed  forces  of  Britain  in  Ireland  have 
been  guilty,  a  host  of  witnesses  would  be  necessary.  It  is  only  on  the  spot 
in  Ireland  that  this  evidence  can  really  be  procured  and  the  President  hopes 
that  the  Commission  will  make  arrangements  so  that  this  evidence  may  be 
made  available. 

As  regards  such  witnesses  as  come  to  the  United  States  to  give  evidence, 
he  has  been  informed  that  the  American  Commission  on  Irish  Independence 
will    provide    Counsel    for    them. 

Yours  very  truly,  (Signed)     JOSEPH   BEGLEY, 

Secretary  to   the  President. 


APPENDIX    "B" 

Statement    by    the    Irishwomen's  International  League 

The  Irishwomen's  International  League  affirms  that  the  responsibility  for 
the  bloodshed  and  violence  in  Ireland  rests  upon  the  British  Government,  which 
refuses  to  allow  Ireland  the  indefeasible  right  of  all  nations  to  freedom,  out- 
laws her  duly  elected  Parliament,  and  persistently  attempts  to  rule  the  people 
by   force. 

Every  effort  made  by  Ireland's  chosen  representatives  to  carry  on  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  country  with  the  consent  of  the  people  has  been  ruthlessly 
suppressed  by  the  militarist  forces  of  the  British  Government.  The  members 
of  the  Dail  (the  Irish  Parliament)  have  been  imprisoned  time  after  time,  and 
eventually  driven  to  carry  on  their  activities  sub  rosa. 

As  an  organization  advocating  passive  resistance  to  tyranny,  we  wish  to 
draw  particular  attention  to  the  constructive  work  attempted  or  achieved  by 
the  Dail,  with  the  cooperation  of  the  people,  and  to  the  methods  by  which  this 
work  has  been  impeded   or  destroyed  by  the   British  government. 

In  our  opinion  the  solution  lies  in  the  decision  of  Great  Britain  to  with- 
draw her  forces  from  Ireland  and  to  permit  the  Irish  people  to  create  and 
develop  their  own  national  institutions  as  a  free  State.  The  objection  to  this 
on  the  side  of  Great  Britain  is  avowedly  based  on  strategic  considerations.  A 
free  Ireland  she  declares  to  be  a  military  danger.  Whilst  strongly  protesting 
against  the  denial  of  freedom  from  such  a  motive,  we  believe  at  the  same  time 
that  no  ground  for  this  objection  exists  and  that  a  settlement  may  be 
reached  which,  with  the  friendly  aid  of  America,  would  set  at  rest  all  such 
fears,  reasonable  or  unreasonable.  Republican  Ireland  has  repeatedly  affirmed 
through  her  leaders  her  willingness  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  Great  Britain 
which   would   secure   friendly   relations   between   the    two   peoples. 

"The  problem,"  stated  Mr.  De  Valera  recently,  "can  only  be  solved  by  a 
Treaty  of  Peace,  signed  by  the  accredited  representatives  of  the  two  peoples, 
on  the  basis  of  a  guarantee  of  Ireland's  independence  on  the  one  hand  and  a 
guarantee  of  British  security  on  the  other  by  some  international  instrument. 
The  Irish  people  will,  I  believe,  readily  consent  to  give  Britain  a  guarantee 
which  can  be  ratified  internationally,  that  they  will  not  allow  their  island  to 
be   used   as    a    base    for    an    attack   on    Britisli    independence." 

And  hear  Mr.  Griffith  who  has  spoken  to  the  English  people  as  follows: 
"Ireland  seeks  no  more  than  the  acknowledgment  of  her  independence.  Pro- 
vided that  acknowledgment  be  made,  she  is  quite  ready  to  enter  into  a  treaty 
by  which  the  independence  and  security  of  the  two  countries  can  be  mutually 
guaranteed.  .  .  .  Freely  admit  that  Ireland  has  the  right  to  choose  her  own 
government  and  Ireland  ceases  to  be  your  enemy.  Some  of  your  politicians  refer 
to  Ireland  as  an  enemy  on  your  flank.  When  you  deal  with  Ireland  as  nation 
with  nation,  there  will  no  longer  be  an  enemy  on  your  flank.  She  will  be  a 
country  by  your  side  whose  interest  and  whose  will  it  will  be  to  live  in  peace 
and   amity  with  you." 

In  order  to  prove  Ireland's  material  interest  in  maintaining  friendly  relations 
with  England,  it  is  only  necessary  to  state  that  the  trade  between  the  two* 
countries  is  worth  250,000,000  pounds  a  year  and  that  each  is  the  other's  best 
customer.     ("Sperling's  Journal.") 

We  believe  that  Ireland's  devotion  to  the  national  cause,  her  sufferings) 
and  her  endurance  must  stir  the  conscience  of  America  and  of  all  free  nations. 
The  Irish  problem  affects  the  ordered  and  peaceful  progress  of  humanity  and 
raises  issues  vital  to  the  growth  of  human  liberty. 

There  are  many  practical  reasons  which  make   the  present  case  of  Ireland 


128  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

a  source  of  interest  and  anxiety  to  America.  It  is  not  for  us  to  enlarge  upon 
these.  But  both  ethical  and  practical  considerations  lead  us  to  the  belief  that 
America  would  be  justified  in  proposing  to  act  as  mediator  in  the  present  crisis, 
and  in  giving  moral  support  to  that  growing  section  of  the  English  people  who 
are    prepared   to   concede    to    Ireland    her  just   rights   as    a   nation. 

If  America  and  Great  Britain  were  to  cooperate  in  negotiating  such  a  prac- 
tical application  of  their  own  professed  principles  regarding  small  nations,  we 
might  then  hope  to  see  the  principle  of  self-determination — which  the  Women's 
International  League  have  asserted  to  be  the  essential  basis  of  a  truly  righteous 
and  durable  international  covenant — introduced  into  the  constitution  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  or  (as  we  would  prefer)  of  a  new  and  more  truly  democratic 
covenant. 

The  Irish  people  have  proved  how  unconquerable  is  the  spirit  of  nationality: 
the  peace  and  happiness  of  the  world  depends  upon  the  measure  of  freedom 
given  to  that  spirit.  If  Ireland  wins  her  freedom  now,  the  world  will  see  a 
triumph  of  spiritual  over  material  forces  and  may  look  forward  to  the  future 
with  diminished   dread    of  devastating  wars. 


APPENDIX    "C" 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  Irish  papers  suppressed  by  Imperial  British 
authority  for  periods  not  disclosed  to  us.  Placed  in  evidence  by  Counsel  for 
the   American   Association    for    Recognition    of    the    Irish    Republic: 

"Ballina  Herald"    Ballina 

"Belfast   Evening    Telegraph" Belfast 

"Bottom    Dog" Limerick 

"Cork   Examiner"    Cork 

"Cork  Weegly  Examiner" Cork 

"Cork  Evening  Echo" Cork 

"Clare  Champion" Ennis 

"Enniscorthy  Echo" Enniscorthy 

"Evening    Herald"    Dublin 

"Fainne  an  Lae"   Dublin 

"The  Factionist"    Limerick 

"Freedom"    Dublin 

"Galway  Express"   Galway 

"The    Gael" Dublin 

"Honesty"    Dublin 

"The   Irishman" Dublin 

"Irish  World"  Dublin 

"Irish  Republic"   Limerick 

"Irish    Worker"    Dublin 

"Irish  Volunteer"   Dublin 

"Ireland"    Dublin 

"Kilkenny  People"   Kilkenny 

"Kerryman"    Tralee 

"Killarney    Echo"    Tralee 

"Kerry  Weekly  Reporter" Tralee 

"Kerry  News"  Tralee 

"The   Leader"    Dublin 

"Limerick  Leader"    Limerick 

"Limerick  Echo"    Limerick 

"Liberator"    Tralee 

"Mayo  News"  Westport 

"Munster  News"    Limerick 

"Meath  Chronicle" Navan 

"Nationality"    Dublin 

"Newcastle  Observer"   Newcastle  West 

"New  Ireland"    Dublin 

"The   Republic"    Dublin 

"The   Spark"   Dublin 

"Scissors  &  Paste"   Dublin 

"Sligo   Nationalist"    Sligo 

"Sinn  Fein"   Dublin 

"Southern  Star" Skibbereen 

"The  Voice  of  Labour" Dublin 

" Waterf ord  News"  Waterf ord 

"Weekly  Nationalist  Journal"    

"Westmeath  Independent"   Athlone 


APPENDIX  129 

"The   Worker"    Dublin 

"The  Worker's  Republic"   Dublin 

"Southern   Democrat"    Newcastle   West 

"Freman's  Journal"    Dublin 


APPENDIX    "D" 

Official    Report    of    County    Judge    Bodkin 

To  the   Right  Hon.   Sir  Hamar   Greenwood, 

Chief   Secretary   for   Ireland. 
Sir: 

I  beg  to  report  that  there  came  before  me  at  the  Hilary  Sessions  for  the 
county  of  Clare  356  claims  for  compensation  for  criminal  injury  amounting  in 
all  to  over  £466,000.  In  a  very  large  number  of  these  cases  it  was  alleged  that 
the  criminal  injuries  had  been  committed  by  the  armed  forces  of  the  Govern- 
ment. I,  therefore,  directed  that  notice  should  be  served  by  telegram  on  the 
proper  authority  so  that  the  military  and  police  might  have  an  opportunity  of 
being  represented  at  the  inquiry,  and  I  adjourned  the  hearing  until  the  following 
day.  On  the  following  day  Mr.  Cullinan,  Crown  Solicitor,  stated  in  court  that 
he  had  instructions  to  attend  as  representing  the  military.  A  sworn  verbatim 
short-hand  report  was  taken  of  the  evidence  in  these  cases,  a  typed  transcript 
of   which    I   forward    herewith. 

LOOTING   AT    LAHINCH 

It  was  proved  before  me  on  sworn  evidence  in  open  court  that  on  the  night 
of  September  22  the  town  of  Lahinch  was  attacked  by  a  large  body  of  the  armed 
forces  of  the  Government.  Rifle  shots  were  fired  apparently  at  random  in  the 
streets  and  a  very  large  number  of  houses  and  shops  were  broken  into,  set  on 
fire,  and  their  contents  looted  or  destroyed.  The  inhabitants,  most  of  them 
in  their  nightclothes — men,  women  and  children,  invalids,  old  people  over 
eighty,  and  children  in  arms — were  compelled  at  a  moment's  notice  and  at 
peril  of  their  lives  to  fly  through  back  doors  and  windows  to  the  sand  hills  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  town,  where  they  remained  during  the  night,  returning 
in  the  morning  to  find  their  homes  completely  destroyed.  In  the  course  of 
this  attack  a  man  named  Joseph   Sammon   was   shot  dead. 

There  were  in  all  before  me  38  claims  for  the  criminal  injuries  committed 
on  that  occasion,  and  after  full  consideration  of  the  claims  I  awarded  a  total 
sura  of  over  £65,000. 

MEN   SHOT  AT   ENNISTYMON 

On  the  same  night  the  town  of  Ennistymon  was  similarly  invaded  by  the 
armed  forces  of  the  Government.  Shots  were  fired  in  the  streets.  The  Town 
Hall  and  a  large  number  of  houses  and  shops  were  broken  into,  set  on  fire,  and 
with  their  contents  destroyed.  As  in  Lahinch,  the  inhabitants  were  compelled 
to  fly  for  their  lives.  A  young  married  man  named  Conole  was  seized  in  the 
street  by  a  party  of  men  under  command  of  an  officer.  His  wife,  who  was 
v.'ith  him,  pleaded  on  her  knees  with  the  officer  for  the  life  of  her  husband,  but 
he  was  taken  away  a  short  distance,  shot,  and  his  charred  remains  were  found 
next  morning  in  his  own  house,  which  had  been  burnt.  Another  young  man 
named  Linnane  was  shot  dead  in  the  streets  while  attempting  to  extinguish  the 
flames.  For  the  criminal  injuries  committed  in  the  progress  of  this  attack 
there  were   13   claims,  and   I   awarded   upwards    of   £39,000   compensation. 

MURDER  AT  MILTOWN-MALBAY 

On  the  same  night  the  town  of  Miltown-Malbay  was  similarly  invaded  by 
the  armed  forces  of  the  Government.  A  large  number  of  houses  and  shops  were 
broken  into,  set  on  fire,  and  destroyed,  the  inhabitants  escaping  with  difficulty 
and  danger.  An  old  woman  named  Lynch  proved  that  during  the  course  of  this 
raid,  just  before  the  burning  of  her  house,  her  husband  (an  old  man  of  75),  while 
standing  beside  her  at  their  own  doorway  was  shot  dead  by  a  soldier  in  uni- 
form, distant  about  ten  yards.  She  made  no  claim  for  the  murder  of  her 
husband.     I  awarded  £414  for  the   destruction  of  her  home  and  property. 

It  is  right  to  add  that  in  this  town  some  of  the  military  and  police  endeav- 
ored to  extinguish  the  flames.  There  were  before  me  in  respect  of  the  raid 
at  Miltown-Malbay  28   claims,   and   I  awarded   upwards   of  £45,000. 


130  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

DIRECTED   TO    CALL  FOR   BODY 

A  farmer  named  Daniel  Egan  applied  to  me  for  compensation  for  the 
alleged  murder  of  his  son.  It  was  proved  that  a  number  of  men  arrested  his 
son  and  three  other  men  at  his  residence,  on  the  shores  of  Lough  Derg,  bound 
them  with  ropes,  and  carried  them  away  in  a  boat.  The  next  that  the  father 
heard  of  his  son  was  a  telegram  from  the  police  informing  him  that  he  had 
been  shot  on  the  bridge  at  Killaloe  and  directing  him  to  come  to  Killaloe  for 
the  corpse.  On  going  to  the  police  station  he  found  his  son's  dead  body  in  a 
coffin.  There  was  a  number  of  military  and  police  present,  but  the  only  one 
he  knew  was  District  Inspector  Gwynne.  I  allowed  the  case  to  stand  for  a 
week  for  the  production  of  the  district  inspector.  The  district  inspector  did 
not    appear,    and    I    adjourned    the    case    to    next    sessions. 

COMPLAINT   OF  AUXILIARIES 

Mrs.  McDonnell,  of  Kielty,  Tomgranny,  claimed  compensation  for  the  burn- 
ing of  her  house,  furniture,  and  other  property  on  December  3  by  the  armed 
forces  of  the  Government.  Mrs.  Bridget  McDonnell,  daughter  of  the  applicant, 
proved  the  burning  of  the  property  and  the  harsh  treatment  to  which  she  and 
her  mother  and  sister  had  been  subjected  by  the  raiders.  The  house,  she  swore, 
had  been  previously  raided  and  searched  on  several  occasions  by  Auxiliary 
forces  under  the  command  of  officers,  On  the  night  of  the  burning  she  recog- 
nized two   of  the  Auxiliaries  who  had  been  there   on   previous   occasions. 

She  went  to  the  Lakeside  Hctel,  Killaloe,  after  the  burning-  to  complain 
to  Colonel  Andrews,  in  command  of  the  Auxiliaries  at  their  headquarters 
there.  While  she  was  speaking  to  the  Colonel  she  recognized  one  of  the  men 
she  had  seen  at  the  burning,  and  requested  that  the  men  should  be  paraded  for 
identification  after  having  pointed  out  the  man  she  had  recognized.  The  Colonel 
made   no   reply,  and   the   men   were   not  paraded. 

APPLICATION   DISMISSED 

Patrick  Fennessy  applied  for  compensation  for  the  burning  of  hay  by  men 
in  uniform.  After  the  burning  had  been  proved.  Head  Constable  Hillard  de- 
posed that  the  hay  had  been  burned  by  a  mixed  force  of  police  and  military, 
he  being  in  charge  of  the  police  on  the  occasion.  In  the  hay  had  been  found  a 
number  of  rifles,  including  one  that  had  been  taken  from  a  murdered  police- 
man some  time  before.  There  was  ammunition  in  the  hay,  which  exploded 
during  the  burning.  He  directed  the  hay  to  be  burnt  as  a  precaution.  I 
decided    that    this    was    not    a    criminal    injury,    and    dismissed    the    application. 

JURISDICTION   NOT   "OUSTED" 

In  four  other  cases,  after  proof  of  the  burning  of  houses,  hay  and  other 
property  by  the  Government  forces,  military  officers  attended  in  court  and 
proved  that  the  houses,  etc.,  had  been  burned  by  the  military,  in  two  of  the 
cases  (applicants  O'Gorman  and  Honan)  by  the  express  direction  of  the  officer 
in  command,  and  in  the  other  two  (applicants  McCarthy  and  Moloney)  by  the 
verbal  authority  of  the  competent  military  authority.  There  was  no  evidence 
or  suggestion  that  any  of  the  occupants  of  the  houses  or  the  owners  of  the 
property  had  been  guilty  of  any  offense.  It  was  argued  by  Mr.  CuUinan, 
Crown  Solicitor,  that  the  Privy  Council  decision  in  the  case  of  Marais  during 
the  Boer  War  ousted  my  jurisdiction.  I  held  after  argument  that  martial  law 
not  having  then  been  proclaimed  my  jurisdiction  was  not  ousted,  and  that  the 
authority  of  the  military  was  limited  by  the  Restoration  of  Order  in  Ireland 
Regulations.     I   held   that   I   had   jurisdiction   in   the   cases. 

I  found  on  the  facts  that  the  burnings  were  in  the  nature  of  reprisals,  and 
I  decided  that  "the  ordinary  avocations  of  life  and  enjoyment  of  property  had 
been  interfered  with."  and  that  these  burnings  were  not  necessary  or  at  all 
calculated    to    secure    the    maintenance    or   restoration    of    law    in    Ireland. 

PEOPLE    TREATED    WITH    VIOLENCE 

On  November  1  a  raid  was  made  on  the  village  of  O'Brien's  Bridge  by 
the  armed  forces  of  the  Crown.  A  large  number  of  the  inhabitants,  including 
women  and  children,  were  treated  with  great  violence,  and  their  houses,  with 
the  contents,  burned.  There  were  in  all  25  applications  in  respect  of  this 
occurrence,  and  I  awarded  compensation   to   the   amount  of  upwards   of  £13,000. 

On   November   7   the   town    of  Feakle   was    similarly   invaded   by   the    armed 


APPENDIX  131 

forces  of  the  Government.  During  the  progress  of  this  raid  a  postman  was 
wounded  in  the  face  by  gun  shot.  There  were  nine  applications  in  respect 
of  this   attack,  and   I   awarded   compensation   to   upwards    of  £7,000. 

NO    CHARGES   AGAINST   VICTIMS 

A  large  number  of  other  criminal  injuries  were  committed  by  Government 
forces  either  in  continuous  raids  or  isolated  cases.  The  total  amount  of  the 
awards  in  cases  in  which  it  was  proved  that  Government  forces  committed  the 
criminal  injuries  amounted  to  £187,046  19s  3d.  There  were  in  all  139  cases  in 
which  it  was  proved  that  the  criminal  injuries  were  committed  by  the  armed 
forces  of  the  government,  and  only  in  the  five  cases  already  mentioned  were 
any  witnesses  examined  to  justify,  deny,  or  explain.  In  no  case  was  there  any 
evidence    to    suggest    that   the    victims    had    been    guilty    of    any    offense. 

TOO    HEAVY   FOR    RATEPAYERS 

The  compensation  already  awarded  in  this  county  in  criminal  injury  claims 
amounts,  I  am  informed,  to  well  over  a  quarter  of  a  million.  This  constitutes, 
in  my  humble  judgment,  an  impossible  burden  on  the  ratepayers  of  the  county, 
many  of  them  already  hopelessly  impoverished  by  the  loss  of  their  property  and 
means  of  livlihood,  and  I  would  strongly  recommend  that  in  the  cases  in  which 
it  is  clearly  proved  that  the  criminal  injuries  were  committed  by  the  armed 
forces  of  the  Government  the  compensation  should  be  paid  out  of  the  public 
Treasury. 

In  addition  to  the  verbatim  shorthand  report  I  also  furnish  herewith  a  de- 
tailed list  of  the  cases  in  which  I  found  on  the  evidence  that  the  criminal 
injuries  were  committed  by  the  armed  forces  of  the  Crown,  acting  without  law- 
ful authority,  showing   the   amount   of  compensation   awarded   in   each   case. 

In  conclusion  I  venture  to  repeat  an  opinion  expressed  at  a  previous 
session  three  months  ago,  that  law  and  order  cannot  be  restored  or  maintained 
by   what   I    felt    constrained    to    describe    as    a    competition    in    crime. 

(Signed)     M.  McDONNELL  BODKIN, 

County   Court  Judge  for  Co.   Clare. 


APPENDIX    "E" 

Statement   of   JdHii    McNamara 


My  name  is  John  McNamara.  I  am  a  citizen  of  the  Irish  Republic.  I  was 
born  at  Crusheen,  County  Clare,  Ireland,  on  the  8th   of  May  1899. 

I  enlisted  as  a  member  of  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary  at  Crusheen,  County 
Clare,  November  18,  1918.  My  registration  number  is  69,575.  Following  my 
enlistment  I  spent  seven  months  at  the  R.  I.  C.  depot.  Phoenix  Park,  Dublin. 
I  was  stationed  at  Listowell  from  June  1  to  July  12,  1919,  at  Liselton  from  July 
12,  1919  to  May  5,  1920,  at  Listowell  from  May  5,  1920,  to  October  16,  1920;  at 
Ballylongford  from  October  16,  1920,  to  November  1,  1920. 

During  the  time  I  was  stationed  at  Listowell  the  town  was  peaceable,  there 
was  no  outbreaks  of  trouble  of  any  kind.  Following  a  change  in  the  military 
personnel  in  Ireland  Colonel  Smyth  was  made  Divisional  Commissioner  of  Police 
for  the  Munster  Area  early  in  June,  1920.  On  June  19,  1920,  Colonel  Smyth 
visited  the  R.  I.  C.  barracks  at  Listowell  in  company  with  General  Tudor,  Inspec- 
tor General  of  Police  and  Black  and  Tans  for  Ireland,  Major  Letham,  Commis- 
sioner of  Police,  from  Dublin  Castle,  Captain  Chadwick  in  charge  of  the  military 
at  Ballyruddy,  and  Poer  O'Shea,  County  Inspector  of  Police  for  County  Kerry. 
Colonel  Smyth  addressed  the  members  of  the  R.  I.  C.  in  the  barracks  at  Listowell, 
making  substantially  the  following  remarks: 

Well,  men,  I  have  something  of  interest  to  tell  you,  something  that  I 
am  sure  you  would  not  wish  your  wives  and  families  to  hear.  I  am  going 
to  lay  all  my  cards  on  the  table  but  I  must  reserve  one  card  for  myself. 
Now,  men,  Sinn  Fein  has  had  all  the  sport  up  to  the  present,  and  we  are 
going  to  have  the  sport  now.  The  police  have  done  splendid  work  consid- 
ering the  odds  against  them.  The  police  are  not  sufficiently  strong  to  do 
anything  but  hold  their  barracks.  This  is  not  enough,  for  as  long  as  we 
remain  on  the  defensive  so  long  will  Sinn  Fein  have  the  whip  hand.  We 
must  take  the  offensive  and  beat  Sinn  Fein  with  its  own  tactics.  Martial 
law  applying  to  all  Ireland  is  coming  into  operation  shortly.     I  am  promised 


132  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

as  many  troops  from  England  as  I  require;   thousands  are  coming  daily.     I 
am  getting  7,000  police  from  England. 

Now,  men,  what  I  wish  to  explain  to  you  is  that  you  are  to  strengthen  your 
comrades  in  the  out  stations.  If  a  police  barracks  is  burned  or  if  the  bar- 
racks already  occupied  is  not  suitable,  then  the  best  house  in  the  locality  is 
to  be  commandeered,  the  occupants  thrown  out  in  the  gutter.  Let  them  die 
there,  the  more  the  merrier.  You  must  go  out  six  nights  a  week  at  least 
and  get  out  of  the  barracks  by  the  back  door  or  a  skylight  so  you  won't  be 
seen.  Police  and  military  will  patrol  the  country  roads  at  least  five  nights 
a  week.  They  are  not  to  confine  themselves  to  the  main  roads  but  take 
across  the  country,  lie  in  ambush,  take  cover  behind  fences  near  the  roads, 
and  when  civilians  are  seen  approaching  shout  "Hands  up."  Should  the 
order  be  not  obeyed  shoot,  and  shoot  with  effect.  If  the  persons  approaching 
carry  their  hands  in  their  pockets  or  are  in  any  way  suspicious-looking, 
shoot  them  down.  You  may  make  mistakes  occasionally  and  innocent  per- 
sons may  be  shot,  but  that  cannot  be  helped  and  you  are  bound  to  get  the 
right  persons  sometimes.  The  more  you  shoot  the  better  I  will  like  you; 
and  I  assure  you  that  no  policeman  will  get  into  trouble  for  shooting  any 
man  and  I  will  guarantee  that  your  names  will  not  be  given  at  the  inquest. 
Hunger  strikers  will  be  allowed  to  die  in  jail,  the  more  the  merrier.  Some 
of  them  have  died  already,  and  a  damn  bad  job  they  were  not  all  allowed  to 
die.  As  a  matter  of  fact  some  of  them  have  already  been  dealt  with  in  a 
manner  their  friends  will  never  hear  about.  An  emigrant  ship  will  be 
leaving  an  Irish  port  soon  with  lots  of  Sinn  Feiners  on  board.  I  assure  you 
men  it  will  never  land.  That  is  nearly  all  I  have  to  say  to  you.  We  want 
your  assistance  in  carrying  out  this  scheme  of  wiping  out  Sinn  Fein.  A  man 
who  is  not  prepared  to  do  so  is  a  hindrance  rather  than  a  help  to  us,  and 
he   had   better  leave   the   job  at  once. 

Colonel  Smyth  then  asked  each  one  of  us  individually  if  he  was  prepared  to 
carry  out  these  orders  and  cooperate.  As  each  man  was  asked  the  question  he 
referred  Colonel  Smyth  to  our  spokesman  Constable  Mee,  whom  we  had  pre- 
viously appointed  in  case  such  a  demand  as  this  were  made  upon  us,  as  we  had 
heard  that  the  new  military  ofluicials  were  going  to  make  such  a  demand.  Con- 
stable Mee  stepped  from  the  line  and  addressed  Colonel  Smyth:  "Sir,  by  your 
accent  I  take  it  that  you  are  an  Englishman  who  in  your  igliorance  forgets 
that  you  are  addressing  Irishmen."  Constable  Mee  took  off  his  cap,  belt  and 
bayonet  and  laid  them  on  the  table.  "These  too  are  English,"  he  said,  "and 
you  can  have  them.     And  to  hell  with  you.     You  are  a  murderer." 

At  a  signal  from  Colonel  Smyth,  constable  Mee  was  immediately  seized  and 
placed  under  arrest,  and  the  entire  twenty-five  of  us  rushed  to  his  assistance 
and  released  him.  We  informed  Colonel  Smyth  that  if  another  hand  were  laid 
upon  our  spokesman  either  then  or  in  the  future  that  the  room  would  run  red 
with  blood.  Colonel  Smyth  thereupon  fled  into  another  room,  barred  the  door 
and  remained  for  several  hours.  We  sent  a  messenger  in  to  him  to  demand  a 
guaranty  that  constable  Mee  would  not  be  held  to  account  at  any  time  for  the 
remark  made  on  our  behalf,  and  before  he  left  that  day  Colonel  Smyth  gave 
us  that  guaranty.  Afterwards  Inspector  General  Tudor  sent  out  and  asked  to 
have  an  interview  with  us,  and  when  we  said  we  would  see  him  he  came  out  and 
shook  hands  with  each  man  and  told  us  to  keep  our  heads,  that  everything  was 
all  right. 

There  was  considerable  talk  about  resignations  and  fourteen  of  us  who  were 
unmarried  men  turned  in  our  resignations  as  members  of  the  R.  I.  C.  that  day. 
These  resignations  were  not  accepted.  Afterwards  we  fourteen  made  a  signed 
statement  of  the  remarks  of  Colonel  Smyth  and  sent  it  to  the  Freemen's  Journal, 
a  Republican  newspaper  published  at  Dublin,  with  the  request  that  an  official 
investigation  be  made.  There  was  considerable  demand  for  an  official  investi- 
gation of  Colonel  Smyth's  remarks  but  no  such  investigation  was  ever  ordered 
or  made,  and  the  military  police  and  civil  ;iuthorities  did  nothing  whatever  about 
it.  About  that  time  five  members  of  the  K.  I.  C.  at  Listowell  walked  out  and 
the   rest  of  us  planned  to   resign  by   degrees   so   as   not  to   endanger   ourselves. 

I  was  at  Listowell  when  the  Black  and  Tans  first  came  there  about  six  weeks 
after  Colonel  Smyth's  remarks.  They  arrived  from  Limerick  Sunday  evening 
in  motor  lorries  and  fired  shots  at  men,  women  and  children  in  the  streets.  A 
few  days  after  they  had  been  there  they  arrested  a  young  chemist  of  Newtown 
Sands  named  Tim  Stack,  about  17  years  of  age,  threw  him  into  the  guard  room, 
beat  him  with  rifle  butts  and  batons,  and  kicked  him  in  the  face  and  over  the 
body  and  refused  to  give  him  food.  None  of  the  members  of  the  R.  I.  C.  on  the 
barracks  were  permitted  to  feed  the  prisoner  but  his  friends  brought  him  food 
from  the  outside.  After  two  days  of  torture  young  Stack  was  released.  No 
charge   was   ever  preferred   against  him. 


APPENDIX  133 

When  the  Black  and  Tans  arrived  at  Listowell  from  Limerick  I  heard  them 
boast  that  a  Black  and  Tan  named  Huckersby  who  had  been  stationed  at  Abbey- 
Field,  County  Limerick,  had  killed  a  postman  and  a  blacksmith  in  that  town 
and  had  killed  an  old-age  pensioner  70  years  old  at  Shanagolden,  County  Lim- 
erick. The  Black  and  Tans  who  told  me  of  this  said  that  Huckersby  had  also 
killed  six  or  eight  men  in  the  Limerick  City.  And  that  nothing  had  ever  been 
done  with  him  except  to  take  him  into  William  Street  barracks  in  Limerick  Cty 
for  protection.  Also  some  of  the  Black  and  Tans  boasted  that  they  had  sprinkled 
gasolene  on  the  clothing  of  four  leading  Sinn  Feiners  in  Limerick  City  and  set 
fire  tc  them,  burning  them  to  death.  They  boasted  also  that  they  had  shot  and 
killed  a  former  member  of  the  R.  L  C.  who  had  resigned  and  made  this  boast 
as  a  threat  to  the  members  of  the  R.  L  C.  at  Listowell  to  keep  them  in  line. 

While  I  was  stationed  at  Ballylongford  two  Black  and  Tans  from  the  bar- 
racks went  to  a  church  in  the  village  at  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  when 
two  or  three  hundred  residents  were  at  evening  devotion.  They  stationed  them- 
selves at  the  gate  of  the  church  with  batons  and  beat  the  people  as  they  came 
through  the  gate.  There  were  many  women  and  children  beaten  upon  this  night. 
The  two  Black  and  Tans  who  perpetrated  this  outrage  boasted  about  it  at  the 
barracks  but  no  official  investigation  was  ever  made  and  they  were  not  repri- 
manded  by  their   superior  officers. 

Later  that  evening  one  of  those  two  Black  and  Tans  was  kidnapped  while 
he  was  in  the  village  and  held  for  three  or  four  days.  During  these  three  or 
four  days  this  Black  and  Tan  was  kept  away  from  liquor  for  the  first  time  in  a 
number  of  months  and  as  a  result  of  this  enforced  abstinence  was  sent  to  the 
hospital  for  treatment  after  he  returned  to  the  barracks. 

After  I  returned  to  Listowell  I  heard  Black  and  Tans  plotting  to  carry  out 
a  reprisal  because  of  the  capture  of  their  comrade  at  Ballylongford.  They 
planned  to  burn  the  public  house  of  John  Collins  and  shoot  Edward  Carmody 
of  Kush,  Ballylongford.  Two  or  three  nights  after  I  heard  this  conversation 
Collins'  house  was  burned  down  and  Edward  Carmody  was  shot. 

The  members  of  the  Black  and  Tan  forces  in  Ireland  are  recruited  from 
the  slums  of  big  cities  and  I  have  heard  many  of  them  boast  that  they  had  com- 
mitted many  crimes.  They  are  men  of  the  lowest  possible  character  and  most 
oi  them  are  drunk  most  of  the  time.  It  is  their  practice  to  break  in  public 
houses  and  saloons  and  confiscate  the  liquor  there.  They  use  the  vilest  imagin- 
able language  on  all  occasions  and  no  man  who  respects  himself  would  be 
associated  with  them.  It  is  their  practice  to  steel  food,  fowl  and  other  farm 
animals  at  night  on  raids  which  they  conducted  dressed  in  civilian  clothes  and 
with  blackened  faces.  None  of  the  officials  in  charge  of  the  barracks  reprimand 
them    for    these    raids. 

(Signed)     JOHN    McNAMARA. 
STATE   OF   CONNECTICUT,  ) 
COUNTY  OF  NEW  HAVEN.   )  ^^^ 

New  Haven,  March  7,  1921. 

Personally  appeared  before  me  John  McNamara,  who  made  solemn  oath  that 
the  foregoing  statement  is  true  and  was  made  voluntarily,  and  who  signed  the 
same  in  my  presence. 

(Signed)     JOHN  H.  HOLMES. 

Notary  Public. 

My  commission   expires  February   21,   1924. 
(Seal.) 


APPENDIX    "F" 

Statement    of    Viichael    Kelly 


My  name  is  Michael  Kelly.  I  am  a  citizen  of  the  Irish  Republic.  I  was  born 
in    Ballycastle,   County   Mayo,   Ireland,   about   twenty-six   years   ago. 

I  enlisted  as  a  member  of  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary  at  Ballycastle  in 
October,  1914.  I  spent  the  next  six  months  at  the  Royal  Irish  Constabulary 
depot  at  Phoenix  Park,  Dublin,  in  training.  I  was  then  transferred  to  Glenj 
Beigh,  County  Kerry,  and  was  stationed  there  from  April,  1915  to  July,  1917. 
From  July,  1917,  to  May,  1918,  I  was  stationed  at  Liselton,  County  Kerry.  From 
May,  1918,  to  January,  1919,  I  was  stationed  at  Ballybunion,  County  Kerry.  From 
January,  1919,  to  November,  1919,  I  was  stationed  at  Ballylongford,  County 
Kerry.  From  November,  1919,  to  April,  1920,  I  was  stationed  at  Liselton.  From 
April,  1920,  to  September  26,  1920.  I  was   stationed  at  Listowell. 


134  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

During  the  early  part  of  my  duty  at  Listowell  the  town  was  quite  orderly. 
There  had  been  no  trouble  of  any  kind  and  it  was  as  peaceable  a  place  as  you 
could  wish  to  see.  At  Ballyruddy,  about  two  miles  from  Listowell,  there  was  a 
camp  with  about  one  hundred  military  and  Black  and  T.-ins.  Occasionally  raids 
were  made  by  these  military  and  Black  and  Tans,  and  the  members  of  the  Royal 
$rish  Constabulary  at  Listowell  were  asked  to  cooperate  with  the  Black  and 
Tans  in  these  raids.  There  were  about  twenty-five  of  us  at  Listowell  and  we 
all  refused  to  cooperate  with  the  Black  and  Tans  in  the  raids. 

Along  in  June,  1920  there  were  some  changes  made  in  the  military  officials 
in  Ireland  and  a  man  named  Colonel  Smyth  was  made  Divisional  Commissioner 
of  Police  for  the  Munster  Area.  Smyth  had  served  in  the  great  war  as  an  army 
officer  with  the  British  forces  and  was  about  forty  years  of  age.  On  June  19, 
1920,  at  about  10:30  or  11:00  in  the  morning  Smyth  paid  a  visit  to  the  R.  I.  C. 
barracks  at  Listowell  in  company  with  General  Tudor,  Inspector  General  of 
Police  and  Black  and  Tans  for  Ireland,  Major  Letham,  one  of  the  police  officials 
from  Dublin  Castle,  Captain  Chadwick  in  charge  of  the  military  at  Ballyruddy, 
and  Poer  O'Shea,  County  Inspector  of  Police  for  County  Kerry.  Colonel  Smyth 
addressed  all  the  members  of  the  R.  I.  C.  in  the  barracks  at  Listowell,  making 
substantially  the  following  remarks:  [What  follows  is  identical  with  statement 
in  McNamara's  affidavit]  .... 

About  six  weeks  after  Colonel  Smyth's  statement  a  number  of  Black  and 
Tans  were  sent  over  to  Listowell  from  Limerick  to  replace  the  men  who  had 
resigned.  They  arrived  in  Listowell  on  a  Sunday  evening  and  announced  their 
presence  in  the  town  by  shooting  through  the  streets.  They  came  in  three  mili- 
tary lorries  and  some   of  them  were   drunk  when   they  arrived   at  the  barracks. 

About  a  week  after  their  arrival  some  of  the  Black  and  Tans  brought  to 
the  barracks  a  young  boy  seventeen  years  old  named  Tim  Stack,  a  chemist  of 
Newtown  Sands,  who  had  been  charged  with  being  a  Sinn  Fein  sympathizer. 
He  was  thrown  into  the  guard  room  and  beaten  and  kicked  by  four  of  the  Black 
Black  and  Tans,  and  severely  injured.  He  was  held  for  two  days  and  the  Black 
and  Tans  refused  to  give  him  food  and  refused  to  permit  the  members  of  the 
R.  I.  C.  to  give  him  food,  but  permitted  his  friends  to  bring  him  food.  He  was 
released   without   any   charges   beng   preferred    aganst   him. 

About  October  5th  I  saw  a  mixed  party  of  military  and  Black  and  Tans 
consisting  of  ten  men  leave  the  barracks  at  Listowell  at  ten  o'clock  at  night  in 
marching  formation.  At  about  eight  o'clock  the  following  morning  they  returned 
and  I  heard  them  boasting  that  they  had  gone  to  the  farm  of  James  Houljihan 
near  Ballyduff  and  had  there  dragged  out  of  bed  Houlihan's  son,  taken  him 
into  the  backyard  and  shot  him  dead.  One  of  the  Black  and  Tans  said  that  each 
of  the  ten  men  in  the  party  fired  five  rounds  of  ammunition  into  the  boy's  body, 
and  that  the  body  had  been  stabbed  with  bayonets  after  the  boy  had  fallen. 
They  also  boasted  of  having  burned  six  houses  in  and  around  the  village  of 
BallyduflF.  This  raid,  shooting  and  burning,  was  in  reprisal  for  an  ambush  near 
Ballyduff  earlier  that  evening  in  which  one  Black  and  Tan  was  killed  and  two 
wounded.  I  do  not  know  whether  or  not  the  reprisal  was  officially  ordered,  but 
no  investigation  was  made  and  none  of  the  members  of  the  reprisal  party  was 
reprimanded.  In  command  of  the  party  that  night  was  District  Inspector  Tobias 
O'Sullivan  who  was  in  charge  of  the  R.  I.  C.  and  Black  and  Tans  stationed  at 
Listowell. 

Along  in  September,  together  with  other  members  of  the  R.  I.  C.  at  Listowell 
I  refused  to  carry  arms  or  cooperate  with  the  Black  and  Tans  on  police  duty, 
and  was  suspended  from  the  R.  I.  C.  on  September  26,  1920.  Thereafter  I 
stayed  at  the  barracks  for  approximately  six  weeks  awaiting  my  pay  and  final 
discharge  papers.  During  this  time  I  was  not  on  duty  and  was  dressed  in 
civilian  clothes. 

About  the  second  week  in  October  I  was  returning  to  the  barracks  at  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning  and  just  as  I  entered  the  barracks  I  noticed  a  party 
of  ten  Black  and  Tans  who  v/ere  stationed  in  the  barracks  ready  to  go  out. 
They  were  dressed  in  civilian  clothes  and  had  their  faces  blackened.  They 
grabbed  me  and  forced  me  to  accompany  them  on  their  raid,  under  threats  of 
death.  We  went  out  in  a  motor  lorry  equipped  with  bombs,  rifles,  torches,  and 
an  extra  supply  of  gasolene.  The  Black  and  Tans  first  visited  the  home  of 
Jerry  Sullivan  of  Inch,  about  ten  miles  from  Listowell.  There  they  dragged 
from  his  bed  Patrick  Sullivan  and  beat  him  severely  with  clubs,  rifles,  and 
fists,  kicked  him  in  the  face  and  on  the  body  and  left  him  severely  wounded  in 
the  yard.  When  his  sister  protested  they  grabbed  her  and  cut  off  her  hair  and 
threatened  the  parents  that  they  would  be  killed  if  they  did  not  get  back  into 
bed  and  make  no  outcry.  From  there  they  went  to  the  house  of  McAUigot  at 
Lixnaw.  They  dragged  two  sons  out  of  bed  after  breaking  through  the  door 
and   breaking    every   window    in    the    house,    and    beat   the    two    boys    until    they 


APPENDIX  135 

were  nearly  dead.  From  there  they  went  to  the  home  of  Grady,  searching  for 
the  young  man  of  the  family.  While  they  were  breaking  in  the  front  door  young 
Grady  escaped  through  a  back  window  and  ran  across  the  fields.  Members  of 
the  Black  and  Tans  ran  after  him  but  were  unable  to  catch  him.  They  then 
returned  to  the  house  and  dragged  out  of  bed  a  young  man  who  was  working 
on  the  place  and  beat  him  severely.  Young  Grady's  sister  raised  an  outcry  and 
they  grabbed  her  and  cut  off  her  hair.  From  there  they  went  to  the  home  of 
Lovett  and  pulled  out  the  young  man  in  his  night  clothes  and  dragged  him  along 
the  road  by  his  hair.  They  beat  him  and  kicked  him  severely,  and  when  his 
mother  and  sister  cried  out  in  fear  they  fired  two  shots  in  the  air  and  told 
them  they  would  be  killed  if  they  didn't  get  back  to  bed  and  keep  quiet.  Then 
they  grabbed  the  sister  and  cut  off  her  hair.  From  there  they  went  to  a  co- 
operative creamery  at  Lixnaw,  the  largest  creamery  in  North  Kerry.  They 
broke  in  the  door,  stole  1000  pounds  of  butter,  and  sprinkled  gasolene  over  the 
walls,  floors  and  machinery  and  set  fire  to  the  place,  completely  destroying  it. 
From  there  they  returned  to  the  barracks  at  Listowell,  arriving  about  five  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  They  threatened  to  kill  me  if  I  ever  made  any  report  of  the 
raid.  No  questions  were  ever  asked  of  them  by  their  superior  officers  and, 
although  the  circumstances  of  the  raid  aroused  great  terror  and  indignation 
among  the  inhabitants  no  investigation  was  ever  made  by  the  military  or  police 
authorities. 

The  members  of  the  Black  and  Tan  forces  in  Ireland  are  lowest  type  of 
humanity  imaginable.  Many  of  them  boasting  of  criminal  records,  and  I  have 
never  come  in  contact  with  such  vile  human  beings  elsewhere.  They  make  a 
practice  of  breaking  in  saloons  and  public  houses  and  taking  the  liquor  stored 
therein,  and  many  of  them  are  drunk  continuously,  and  all  of  them  are  drunk 
part  of  the  time.  It  is  their  practice  to  make  raids  at  night  dressed  in  civilian 
clothes  and  with  their  faces  blackened  and  to  bring  back  to  the  barracks  fowl 
and  food  stolen  from   the  countryside. 

I  have  not  in  my  possession  the  discharge  papers  or  enrollment  card  in 
the  E.  I.  C,  as  it  was  necessary  to  destroy  these  before  leaving  Ireland.  My 
registration   number   in   the   R.   I.   C.   was    68,147. 

(Signed)     MICHAEL   KELLY. 
STATE    OF    CONNECTICUT,  ) 
COUNTY  OF  NEW  HAVEN     )  ss.: 

New  Haven,  March  7,   1921. 

Personally  appeared  before  me  Michael  Kelly,  who  made  solemn  oath  that 
the  foregoing  statement  is  true  and  was  made  voluntarily,  and  who  signed  the 
same  in  my  presence. 

(Signed)     JOHN  H.  HOLMES. 

Notary  PubliQ. 

My  commission  expires  February  21,   1924. 
(SeaL) 


APPENDIX    "G" 

(From    the    Cork    Weekly    Examiner,    February    26,    1921) 
The    Burni  ig    of    Cork 

The  Hon.  the  Recorder  of  Cork,  K.C.,  took  up  the  hearing  on  Thursday  of 
the  compensation  claims  arising  out  of  the  burning  of  the  city  on  the  night  of 
llth-12th  December.  There  are  in  all  602  claims,  and  they  are  expected  to 
occupy    the    court    for    some    weeks. 

The  first  case  taken  was  that  in  which  the  proprietors  of  the  Munster  Arcade, 
Messrs.  Robertson,  Ledlie,  Ferguson  and   Co.,  Ltd.,  claim  £405,000. 

Mssrs.  H.  D.  Conner,  K.C.,  and  Mr.  George  Daly  (instructed  by  Mr.  J.  J.  Hor- 
gan,  solr.)   appeared  for  the  applicants. 

There  was  also  a  claim  by  Captain  Crosbie  Charles  Harvey,  of  Kyle,  head! 
landlord  of  the  premises,  and  Mr.  F.  Cotter  (instructed  by  Messrs.  Stanton  and 
Sons,  solrs.)   appeared  for  him. 

Mr.  Conner  said  the  application  arose  out  of  the  occurrence  that  took  place 
on  the  night  of  the  11th  December,  and  continued  until  far  into  the  morning 
of   the    12th.  .  .  . 

Evidence  was  then  called. 

Patrick  Barry,  employed  as  a  dispatch  clerk  in  the  Munster  Arcade,  stated, 
in  answer  to  Mr.  Conner,  that  he  slept  on  the  premises  on  the  night  of  the  fire. 
He  locked  up  the  domestic  part  of  the  house  about  9:30,  and   there  were   then 


136  AMERICAN  COMMISSION  ON  IRELAND 

on  the  premises  with  him  two  apprentices  and  three  women.  After  locking  up 
the  premises  he  was  in  a  room,  when  the  housekeeper  came  down  to  him  and 
said  there  were  places  on  fire  in  Patrick  Street.  He  opend  the  shop  for  one  of 
the  watchmen,  and  placed  the  other  at  the  window  overlooking  Robert  Street. 
He  put  a|n  apprentice  on  the  window  overlooking  Elbow  Lane  and  went  to  the 
front  of  the  house  himself  with  another  apprentice  named  Collins.  He  then 
saw  that  Grant's  was  on  fire,  and  he  saw  police  and  soldiers  with  a  lorry  outside 
the  place.  Shortly  after  an  ambulance  passed  down  Patrick  Street.  He  saw 
police  with  rifles  moving  down  Patrick  Street,  and  he  saw  a  tram  on  fire  neap 
Mangan's.  He  saw  one  policeman  apparently  carrying  tins  of  petrel,  and  he  heard, 
noise  as  if  shutters  and  glass  were  broken.  Police  were  moving  up  and  down, 
following  a  Crossley  car  in  which  were  soldiers.  The  latter  shouted  "Cheerio" 
to  the  police,  and  the  police  replied  by  also  shouting  "Cheerio."  He  saw  a  bunch 
of  police  going  down  Maylor  street,  and  imm.ediately  after  he  heard  an  explo- 
sion near  the  domestic  portion  of  Cash's  in  Maylor  Street.  He  saw  some  girls 
and  men  coming  out  of  Cash's.  He  then  saw  three  police  pass  underneath  him, 
and  they  started  to  break  the  glass  at  Burton's,  after  which  he  heard  a  shout, 
"The  Munster  Arcade  next."  A  crowd  camo  undernoatli  the  stairs  the  shut- 
ters were  pulled  out,  and  the  glass  broken.  The  police  then  threw  a  bomb  into 
the  shop  underneath  where  witness  was.  He  went  back  and  got  the  rest  of  the 
employees  together.  He  then  went  to  the  window  overlooking  Elbow  Lane,  where 
he  saw  about  ten  or  eleven  police.  He  spoke  to  them,  and  told  them  there  were 
women  in  the  house.  The  answer  was  given  by  an  officer  who  told  him  put  his 
hands  up.  Witness  said  he  had  the  keys  of  the  place,  and  he  was  ordered  to 
come  down  and  open  the  door.  He  did  so,  and  all  the  time  there  were  bombs 
exploding  in  the  shop.  They  were  then  all  marched  out,  covered  with  revolvers 
and  placed  against  Wood's  gate  in  Elbow  Lane.  While  they  were  held  there,  an 
officer  and  a  policeman  went  upstairs  in  the  Arcade  with  petrol.  They  were 
there  for  some  minutes,  when  witness  saw  gushes  of  flame  coming  from  the 
dining  hall.  While  they  were  upstairs  the  other  policemen  started  putting 
masks  on  their  faces.  After  some  time  witness's  party  were  released,  and  they 
went  towards  George's  Street,  but  they  were  ordered  back  by  police  who  fired  a 
few  rounds  at  them,  but  witness  thought  the  shots  were  fired  in  the  air.  They 
then  endeavored  to  go  towards  the  Victoria  Hotel,  but  were  ordered  back  by  a 
party  of  police  there.  They  then  went  around  Marlborough  Street,  where  all 
the    windows    were    smashed. 

Mrs.  Gaff"ney,  housekeeper  at  the  Munster  Arcade,  answering  questions  by 
Mr.  Daly,  gave  generally  corroborative  evidence.  When  the  last  witness  told  the 
police  that  there  were  women  in  the  place,  she  heard  the  reply,  "Hold  up  your 
hands,  the  women  are  safe,  whatever  about  you."  When  the  door  was  opened 
she  saw  the  police  outside  in  the  lane,  and  the  officer  had  a  muffler  up  to  his 
eyes  and  carried  a  revolver.  He  went  upstairs  and  carried  two  heavy  looking 
bags  with  him.  When  they  were  lined  up  in  the  lane,  she  asked  an  Auxiliary 
officer  to  let  her  go  back  and  put  on  some  clothes,  but  was  refused,  the  man 
saying:     "No,  madam,  you  didn't  consider  us,  we  will  not  consider  you." 

Finbarr  McAulifl'e,  an  apprentice,  also  corroborated.  When  he  was  told  by 
Barry  to  go  to  the  kitchen  he  heard  five  or  six  shots  fired  through  the  lock. 
About  two  minutes  after,  the  officer  and  police  went  upstairs,  they  saw  flames 
coming  through  the  windows.  When  they  were  released,  they  saw  parties  whom 
they  took  to  be  fugitives  like  themselves  leaving  Robert  Street,  and  they  went 
in  their  direction.  They  found,  however,  that  they  were  police,  and  they  fired 
a  few  shots  at  them.  There  were  also  uniformed  men  at  the  Victoria  Hotel  who 
turned  them  back.  .  .  . 


RECORDER'S     AWARDS 

At  the  sitting  of  the  Court  on  Friday  the  Recorder  gave  judgment  in  the 
claim  of  Messrs.  Robertson,  Ledlie,  Ferguson  &  Co.,  Ltd.,  for  £405,000  for  the 
malicious  burning  of  the  Munster  Arcade  on  the  llth-12th  December.  He  said 
that  m  going  through  the  items,  as  he  had  done  with  some  care,  he  had  found 
that  the  sums  demanded  erred  on  the  side  of  excess.  He  had  gone  through  the 
various  items  with  such  care  as  he  could,  scrutinizing  them  pretty  minutely,  and 
he  found  it  necessary  to  discount  several  of  them.  The  entire  amount  of  which 
evidence  was  liiven  came  to  £260,927  lis  9d.  He  had  made  a  deduction  of  £47,280, 
and  would  award  compensation   for  £213,647. 


INDEX 


Abbeyfeale 71.   79.   81,  84 

Achenry     32 

Act    for    Restoration    of    Order    1920....  10 

Adamson,    Wm.    P 4 

Adare,     Farley,     murdered     63 

Administration,   Civil  Republic   103 

A.    E. — See  Russell,   George 

Ahern,     homes     destroyed      48 

Allegiange     to     Republican     government, 

percentage    105 

Allen,    John,    case    King's   Bench    10 

Ambassador,     British     2 

Raid    MacCurtain    home     39 

British  Army  in  Ireland   98 

American  Association  for  Recognition  of 

Irish  Republic,   memo  of  counsel .  .  47 

American    Commissions,    origin    1 

members 1 

purposes    1 

vises 6 

American    sailor,     testimony    re    funeral  B9 

American    witnesses     27 

Ames,    Lieut.,    murdered    71 

Animals  destroyed    B2 

Angliss,    Lieut.,    alias    MacMahon     73 

killed 11.     71.  73 

"Anti    Sinn    Fein    Society"    96 

Army    proclamation     74 

Arrests,    by  British   forces    35 

Constable    Mee    70 

number   of    Republicans    57 

without  warrant 11 

Arson,     Balbriggan      30 

City    Hall.     Cork     39 

Cochran    home    1 

Galway    by    R.     I.     C 29 

Town      Hall,      Ma  low      33 

see    also    Reprisals 

Asquith,    Herbert,    Cork,    protest    to.  .  .  .  41 

Assassinations,  .  British    officers     71 

circumstances 75 

effect    75 

policy     73 

preceded  by  trial    7  5 

punitive    and    deterrent     74 

to    suppress    insuriection     10 

Assaults    by    British    forces    35 

Atrocities,    Irish    and    Belgian     98 

attitude   of.    British   embassy    2 

British    Government    2 

De   Valera    2 

Auxiliaries    15,  86 

Baggley,     Captain,     murdered     71 

Baker,     Rev.     W 33 

Balbriggan 2,    32,    35,    47,    79.  96 

atttitude    of    British    to    sack     63 

burning    of     44 

hosiery    factory    destroyed     48 

police    62 

refugees    30 

reprisals     30 

killing   at    44 

Ballycastle 114 

Ballydaly    95 

Ballyadam,    home    destroyed     48 

Ballylorby 17,    32,  62 

reprisal   45 

Ballyruddy    68 

Bantry,    killings    at 22 

Barnes,  Major  P.,   Hansard,   Croke  Park  32 
Barry,   Kevin  Gerard,  deposes  torture  of 

prisoner    90 

Barracks,    raids    on     65 

Littleton    attacked     65 

Baxter,     Captain     116 

I'Jeattie,    Captain,    death    of    63 

Belfast   2,    18,  19 

city   council    112 

provisional     government     8 


relieious     riots      HI 

Belgium,     Irish     Consul      106 

Bendon    88 

Bennett.    Miss  L.,    testimony,   land  courts  108 

Protestants     115 

Unionists    in    Republican    courts....  109 

Bigotry    112 

promotion    of     113 

Bishops,     invitations    to     1 

passports    3 

Episcopal,   at  MacCurtain  funeral    ....  38 

Black  and  Tans... 15,   55,   63,  73,  79.   96,  98 

accused  of  Croke  Park  massacre    ....  44 

Bantry 22 

barracked   with    police    62 

character   of    18 

Cochran  case 81 

disciplined    at    Cork     43 

Galway    27,  67 

Headford     83 

"Hold-ups"     84 

JIallow 32 

menace    Crowley    63 

shoot    boy     17 

Bodkin,     Judge,     report     103 

Bomb,    incendiary.    Mallow    33 

Boycott    of    British    agencies     60 

Brennan,     Michael     52 

farm    burned     52 

Bribes,    British    for    informers     76 

British    administration,    killing    MacCur- 
tain      38 

MacCurtain    murder    39 

"Sinn    Fein    Extremists"     38 

blue    books    on    Ulster     114 

bribes    for     informers     76 

civil   government   failure    14 

embassy — 

correspondence    ^ 

refuses  vises    6 

forces — 

acts  committed  in  November,  1920..  101 

apprehension    17 

assassinate  prisoners    26 

burn   Brennan   home    52 

burn     towns     ^7 

campaign  of  suppression    H 

casualties,    1920    60 

classification    of    in    Ireland     15 

conduct   of    13 

conduct    of    at   Irish    funerals    59 

Croke    Park     71 

custodians    of    "law    and    order"     ..  60 

desecration  of  dead    59 

destroy   crops,    live   stock    52 

destroy   Irish   industry    50 

discipline    of     60 

drunkenness  of    17 

excesses     98 

fail    to   preserve    order    103 

failure   In    Ireland    100 

fire    indiscriminately    100 

fire   indiscriminately    44 

members   of   assassinated    71 

members    of    disguise    themselves...  67 
members      of      killed      by      Republi- 
cans        10.  71 

members    to    testify     17 

moral   consequences   to    79 

number   of    13 

number  of  raids  made  by    67 

officers   assassinated    32 

powers  of  in  Ireland    90 

proclamations     issued     by     13 

raid    on    MacCurtain   home    39 

Republicans    arrested    by    57 

resignations  from 63 

revenge    Captain    Beattie     63 

statistics     of     atrocities     of      1917, 

1918,     1919     35 


137 


138 


INDEX 


terror  fostered  by 17 

victims  of   their  roisconduct 63 

youth   of    17,  18 

general  commends  reprisal    29 

government — 

attaclis  economic  and  social  life.  .  .  .  105 
charged      with       MacCurtain      mur- 
der        39,  43 

condones    reprisals     47 

denies  arms  to  Irish  volunteers 67 

discriminates      betvireen      Irish      and 

Ulster    volunteers     67 

excuses  killings 27 

fails   to   protect   agents    76 

failure    of     105 

indictment   of    98 

investigation  of  Cork 41 

passports    6 

propaganda    17 

responsibility     for     burning     Cork..  43 
high    command,    of    Greenwood — 

justice    98 

Labor    Party,    investigations    of    ...  109 

law  denied   11 

suspended  in  Ireland   45 

neglect  to  identify  military  criminals  45 

officers,    assassinations  of    71 

participate     in     reprisals — 

shot   in   Dublin    73 

official    utterances    98 

persecution    of   O'Callaghan    103 

policy    in    Ireland,     evidence    before 

Commission    8 

possession  of  Ireland,  duration  of..  7 

rule,    defiance   of    73 

fails 101 

sergeant-major  killed    65 

tradition,  violation  of   79 

tried    before    assassination     76 

terror,    failure    of    105 

use  of  justificatifs   37 

violate    Hague    Convention    32 

Broderick,    Daniel   J 29,    79,  84 

report    on    Republican    Courts    108 

testimony,    allegiance    to    Republic    in 

Cork     105 

danger     of     roads     55 

thieving     81 

Bryce,  Mrs.  Annan 3,      4 

Bryce  report  on  Belgian  atrocities 98 

Buckley    19.  45 

brothers,    case  of    22 

assassinated   by   British   military    ....  44 

Burke,    British   sergeant,    killed 62,  93 

Burning  of  Mallow,   a  military  operation  35 

of    towns    47 

Buttevant   33 

raid    at    27,  45 

Caddan,     Constable     John     Joseph,     tes- 
timony        18,    27,  67 

Galway   29 

Cadets    15,  86 

Cameron   Highlanders    15,    44,  92 

Buckley    case     24 

Carey,     Edward,    home    destroyed    48 

Carson,    Sir    Edward 3,    8,  113 

on    rebel     arms     95 

organizes   Ulster  volunteers    67 

refuses     invitation     3 

Cashell    barracks     83 

Casualties,       British,       In      open       war- 
fare          62,  65 

estimate  of    78 

to   British   forces,    categories    of....  76 

Categories    of    British    casualties     76 

Catholics    and    non-Catholics,    number 

of    114 

Catholic    workers,    expulsion    of    112 

victims  of   Ulster  pogroms 112 

Cavell,     Edith      95 

Cavendish-Bentlnck,    Lord   Henry    27 

Cecil,    Lord  R.,    Cork  citizens  protest  to  41 
Hansard,    secret    military    Investi- 
gation      44 

Chadwick,    Captain    68 

Chamber    of    Commerce,    Cork,    demands 

impartial    inquiry    41 

Childers,    Lieut. -Commander  Erskine..4,  116 

Church,    Irish   disestablished    7 


Churchill.     Winston     89 

City    Halls,    burning    of 33,    39,  63 

Civil    administration   of    Republic    103 

government.     Republican,     British     at- 
tempts to  thwart   105 

liberty,   suspended  in  Ireland    35 

Civilian    population,    inquisition    of    ...  .  13 

Civilians  killed,    1920    19 

Clancy,     Constable     24 

Clarke,    John    Chas.,    testimony 17,  105 

hold-ups    84 

indiscriminate   shooting    52 

Irish     spirit     unbroken      105 

witnessed  flogging    81 

Cleeve,    Mr 116 

Clergymen,    Ulster,    Protestant    4,  113 

Clougheen     57,  63 

Cochran,    Mrs.,   dairy  burned    79 

Collins,     Michael     88 

Commander    in    Chief    of    British    forces 

in   Ireland,    cf.    Macready 
Committee  of  One  Hundred  on  Conditions 

in  Ireland 1 

personnel  of   II 

of       inquiry — representing       American 

Commission — vises  refused 4 

Commissioner    of    police,    Dublin    Castle  68 

Communications,   official,   Dublin,    1921..  48 

Complaints  to   Greenwood   re  looting.  ...  83 

Congress,  Republic 8,  106 

Congressmen,     invitations     to     1 

Connolly,   Mrs.,  death  of    54 

Constabulary,    British    connotation    ....  60 

character   of    62 

Consul-General     of     Irish     Republic     to 
U.   S.,   cf.   J.   L.   Fawsittt 

Consuls,    Republican,    located    106 

Co-operation    fostered    by   Republic    ....  106 

Co-operative    creamery     50 

Co-operative    movement    7 

Irish    described     50 

Co-operatives  established 106 

Cork 2,    7,    29,    32,    47,    71,  101 

allegiance   to  Republic    105 

boy  shot  by  Black  and  Tans 17 

burning   of,    attributed   to    "Sinn   Fein 

Extremists"     39 

chamber    of    commerce    commands    In- 
quiry      41 

destruction    of     39 

employers'     federation     41 

estimate   of   damage   to    41 

flre  brigade,   deposition   of    39 

harbor    board    41 

investigation  by  British  government..  41 

looting  in    81 

Mayor    MacCurtain   murdered 37,  38 

report  on  British  forces   101 

resignations  of  magistrates    101 

testimony    of    O'Callaghan    39 

threats    to    rebels    96 

'  "Weekly    Examiner' '     48 

Corofin,    flogging   at    81 

Coroner's     jury,      findings,      MacCurtain 

murder    3  9 

Rooney   murder   verdict    59 

Swansea    verdict    10 

Coroner's   juries    summoned    by    British, 

verdicts    of     44 

Correspondence,    De   Valera   and   British 

embassy    2 

parliament  from  O'Callaghan 41 

passports    and    vises     6 

Cott«r,    Rev.    Dr.    James    H.,    Galway..  29 

home   destroyed    48 

testimony 19 

Galway    55 

Coughlin,    Alderman    88 

Mrs.    Eamon   home    and   shop   looted..  83 

County  Antrim   114 

Clare      52 

Councils    108 

Courtney,    Sean,    testimony    raiding    and 

looting 83 

Courts,   British 14 

disuse  of   In  Ireland    101 

Republican    108 

respect    for    14 

Courtsmartial    by    British    forces,     1917, 

1918,     1919     35 


INDEX 


139 


Cramp.      C.     T 4 

Craven.    Misa    52,  83 

testimony — 

looting 81 

Walsh    20 

Creameries,  burning  of   50 

Creed.   John,   held   up 8  4 

CroKe    Park     19 

masiacre    71.  96 

massacre   and   Black   and   Tans    44 

reprisal   32 

Crops  destroyed    52 

Crowley.    D.    F 68,    76.116 

testimony — 

piitlic   meetings    103 

resignations    from    British    forces..  63 

Cruise.    Inspector    92 

testimony,     Galway    reprisal     45,  62 

Cumner,   flogging  at    81 

Curfew,    Cork 39 

Dublin     57 

Dall   Eirann 8,    105,    106,  108 

Daily  Herald,  London   93.  100 

Damage.   Cork  claims    41 

Danckert     41 

Deasey.    General     76 

orders  indiscriminate  slaying    92 

ordars  to  police    67 

Death   penalty   for   carrying   arms      ....  95 

for    harboring    rebels    15 

Declaration   of   Independence.    Irish    ....  8 

Dempsey.     Frank     ^5.  86 

tesilniony   18 

lawless    30 

Hallow     ;>2,  54 

trainmen    boycott     60 

Denmark,  Irish  Consul   106 

Deportations  by  British,  1917,   1918,  1919  35 

Deported    11 

Depositions — 

Barry,    torture  of   prisoners    90 

Buckley    22,  83 

fire    brigade,    Cork     39 

Kelly,   M 68 

McNamara.     J 68 

Nunan.  Patrick 26 

Jr 26 

O'Grady    83 

Derham.  John 3 

testimony — 

Balbriggan,    sack    of     79 

burning  of  Balbriggan    48 

Balbriggan     refugees      30,  54 

Burke    62 

Cochran   case    79 

Gibbons 30 

lawless    30 

pillage    of    Balbriggan     81 

De    Roiste    41 

Destruction  of   animals    52 

creameries      50 

crops    52 

industries    48 

De  Valera.   President  Eamon    2.  106 

correspondence    with     2 

Devlin.     Hansard,     secret     military     tri- 
bunals      44 

Dishonesty    of    British    forces    86 

Donovan,    home    destroyed    48 

Dorgan,    Michael  home  destroyed    48 

Drunkenness    86 

Galway    29 

Mallow 33 

prevalence    among    British    forces..  17,  18 

Dublin    92,  116 

Angliss.    killed    11 

atrocities    27 

Lynch,    shot    19 

restrictions    in    57 

Dublin    Castle,    cf.    Tudor 

Dwyer.    Thomas    62.  75 

shot    19 

verdict   of   coroner's  jury    62 

Economic  causes,   religious  strife    113 

commission    appointed    by    Republican 

government    106 

life   attacked   by   British    105 

program.  Republican 106 


Editors.   Invitations  to    1 

Election,     general    in    Ireland.     1918....  8 

issue     1919     8 

urban  county   council    113 

Emmet.    Robert    116 

Employers'    Federation.    Cork    41 

English.    Rev.     Michael     68 

testimony      21 

Englishwomen's     International     League. 

report    of    100 

Ennistymon      47 

Episcopal    rector    115 

Essex 15 

Evidence,    method   of   gathering    2 

Farley,     murder    of     63 

Fawsitt.     J.     L 101.108 

testimony — 

economic  conditions 106 

Industrial  organization 106 

land    banks     106 

loan    106 

Republican   leaders    106 

Feakle    17,  47 

Fermoy    33,  45 

Findings,    statement  of   Commission,    13.  14 

Fines  levied  by  British  forces   11 

Fires   in  Cork    39 

First  Lancashire   Fusiliers    92 

Fitzgerald,    hunger   strike 60 

Flogging   of    Irish    81 

France.    Irish    Consul     106 

Freeman's  Journal    70 

Free   speech    suspended    in    Ireland    ....  35 

French.    Lord,    abets   insurrection    13 

correspondence   captured    73 

refuses    invitation    3 

Friends.    British     4.  100 

report    on    Republican    courts     ....  108 
report    on    allegiance    to    Irish    R«- 

public     106 

testimony.  Republican  Government.  .  105 

Committee    of.     report    of 101.  109 

Functioning  of   Irish  secret  service    ....  73 
Funerals,    Irish,    disrespect   for   by   Brit- 
ish      59 

of     murdered     offlcers     98 

Furnas,   Paul    4.    101.  106 

report  of  Society  of  Friends   109 

"G"    Division,    secret    service     71 

Gaelic     League      7,  115 

Galvin,     Constable    Daniel     62 

Galway,    18.    32.    35,    45,    47,    57,    71,    83,    92 

police 62 

reprisal    27,    45,  62 

Geddes,   Sir  Auckland    2 

General    in    command    confirms    sentence 

of  military  court   95 

British,    commends    Galway    assassins  i£> 

George.     Lloyd     93 

German  army  in  Belgium    98 

Gibbons,    John,    murdered    30 

Cardinal    1 

Ginnell,    Lawrence,    testimony    114 

Dublin,   March.    1920    56 

Glebe     House     48 

Governor,     military,     orders     homes     de- 
stroyed      48 

Governors,     invitations    to     1 

Granard    32 

Greene,    Mrs.    Alice   Stopford    4 

Greenwood.    Sir    Hamar    92.  95 

Cork   citizens   protest   to    41 

denies    robberies     83 

Hansard,    Major   Burnes    32 

Balbriggan   44 

Mrs.    Quinn    79 

on   secret    military   tribunals    44 

official    morals     95 

protection  property  in   Cork    41 

refuses    Invitation    3 

responsibility    for     98 

"Weekly    Summary"     96 

Grey.    Earl,    British    in   Ireland    101 

GrlHin,     Father,    murdered    39 

Griffith,  Arthur    2,  4 

Guarantees    immunity    to    Constable    Mee  70 

protection   to   Mallow    33 

Guilfoil.    P.    J.,    testimony    17 

funerals    69 


140 


INDEX 


Hackett,     Francis     G8,  111 

estimates,    allegiance    to    Republic...  105 

police    killed     65 

testimony,     attack     on     Irish    political 

life     103 

economic   commission    106 

religious    riots     Ill 

HaRue   Convention    45 

Article    46,    violated    52 

violated    92,  95 

Hale,  Thomas,   tortured   88 

Hampshire    15 

Hansard — 

case   of   Mrs.    Quinn    7  9 

criticism     of     British     publications....  17 

Croke   Park    32 

secret  military  tribunals    44 

Sir    Hamar    Greenwood    on    Balbriggan  44 

Harbor    Board,    Cork    41 

Harte   tortured    88 

Hartnett,     Mrs.,     men    assault     84 

Haughton,    Benj 41 

Headford     83 

Henderson,     Arthur     4 

Cork   citizens   protest    to    41 

Herman,   Cannon    33 

Higginson,     H.    W.,    on    hostages     93 

reprisals      47 

Hogan,    Timothy    96 

looted     83 

Homes     raided,     1920      54 

Home    rule,    Irish,    Act   of    1914    8 

bill   and   capitalism    113 

Hosiery    factory,     Balbriggan,    destroyed  48 

Hospital    32 

County  Limerick 21 

Hostages 92 

of    British    forces     13 

House    of    Commons,    cf.    Hansard 

"Hue    and    Cry"     17 

Identity,     military     criminals     45 

Identification    methods    21 

mistaken,  Lynch  and  McCarthy 21 

Immunity,    sexual    crimes    86 

Imperial    British,    cf.    British 

Incitement  to  murder    76 

violence    17 

Industries,    destruction    of     48 

motives  for  destroying    48 

fostering  ef    106 

Inquest,    coroner's,    abolished    by   British  22 

lynch,    by    military    19 

Inquiry,    Cork,    report    suppressed     41 

civilian     requested     41 

impartial   demanded  by   Chamber   of 

Commerce    41 

in    Ireland,     British    prevent     4 

parliamentary    refused     7 

Smyth   demanded    70 

Inquisition    of    civilian    population     ....  13 

Inspector,    British    wounded    11 

Inspectors,    officers    of    R.    I.    C 15 

Insurrection,     method     of     suppressing..  10 

opposed  by  Bi  itish    8 

Insurrectionary    movement    in    Ulster.. 8,  116 

International    law     11 

Investigation,    cf.   Inquiry 
Invitations     to     senators,     congressmen, 
governors,  mayors,  editors, 

bishops    1 

Irish   defense   commences,    1919    37 

Irish   retaliate,    1919    37 

Irishmen    killed    by   British    "police"....  11 

Irish   policy  of   assassinations    73 

rebellions,     dates      7 

Republic,    cf .    Republic    

resistance,   non-violent    60 

volunteers    restore    order    Ill 

denied     arms      67 

workers  refuse  to  operate  trains    ....  60 
Irwin,    Rev.    J.    A.,    Presbyterian   Repub- 
lican   Imprisoned    113 

Italy,  Irish  Consul   106 

Johnson,     Harold      84 

Journalists,     English     4 

Jury    service,    Irish    refuse    101 

Kaiser,    His  Majesty  the    95 


Kavanagh,    Teresa,    wounded 27 

Kelly,    Michael,    deposes,    Smyth     68 

Kenry    52.  68 

Kenworthy,     Com.,     Cork     citizens     pro- 
test   to    41 

Keogh,    Miles,    Barry's    deposition    88 

Ivildare    52 

Kiley,     Hansard,     military    tribunals     .  .  44 

Kilkenny,    Mayor  of    "hostage"    93 

Killings  by  British  forces   1917,    '18,    '19  35 

Croke   Park    32 

discriminate    of    Irish     11 

excused    by   British    27 

in  Ireland  infrequency  in  normal  times  62 

MacCurtain    37 

miscellaneous    71 

Killing  of  Black  and  Tans    73 

British   officers    32 

Irish  by  British  "police"    11 

prisoners     26 

Quirk   29 

Republicans    13 

Sinn  Feiners    11 

Gibbons,    James    30 

Lawless,    John     30 

Killings    ordered    by    Div.     Com.     Smyth  92 

list  compiled  by  Republican  Govornm't  19 

Republicans   in   custody    22 

Thurles      21 

Walsh,    Councillor  Galway    19 

without     provocation     3  6 

King,    Mrs.    A.    B.,    Galway 29,  67 

testimony     of     22 

indiscriminate   firing    44 

refugees      55 

King's    Bench,    decision    state    of    war..  10 

Knockgriffin,    homes    destroyed    at    48 

Knockscuvva    88 

Krumm    63 

Black  and  Tan,    Galway    27 

death    of     67 

Labor    Commission,    British    on    Cork...  41 

Irish,     on    Cork     41 

Party,    British   delegates    3 

vises    American    Commission    6 

movement,    Irish    4,  7 

report,     British      6,  98 

solidarity   of,    Protestant   and   Catholic  113 

Lahinch     47 

Lancashires      15 

Land    banks     106 

courts.    Republican    institution     108 

Landsbury,     George     4 

Law     and     order      60 

Lawless,     James     30 

Lendrum,    Captain     75 

execution    of    69 

Letham,    Commissioner    68 

Ley    de    Fuga 22.     26,     27,  43 

British      "justice"      24 

Buckley  case    24 

Limerick 32,   47,   52,  115 

Lisburn 96,  112 

Swanzy    assassination    of    68 

Listowell     68 

Littleton,  barracks  attacked   65 

Loan  floated  by  Dail   Eirann    105 

Local     government.     Republican,     allegi- 
ance increasing 108 

Logue,    Cardinal     2,     3,  4 

London   Daily   Herald    93.  100 

Londonderry,    religious    riot    2,  111 

Loot,     perquisite    of    murder     83 

Looting  by  British  forces    18,  86 

Coughlin    home    and    shop     83 

Courtney     home      83 

directed  by  officers  British  forces    ....  83 

Galway   by   R.    I.    C 29 

Mallow    33 

1920    81 

O'Grady    home     83 

Walsh    home    81 

Lowndes,    County   Inspector    17 

at     Ballylorby     62 

reprisal     45 

drunk     86 

Lucas.    General    73,  76 

arrest   of    74 

orders    indiscriminate    slaying-     98 


INDEX 


141 


83 

45 

35 

106 


103 


60 
116 
103 

54 

52 
3 

81 


Lynch,     James     62,  75 

John  A.,    assasinated   by   British   mili- 
tary      44 

Patrick,    killed    21 

verdict   coroner's   jury    44 

Lynch     mobs     98 

McCarthy,    James,    killed    21,  62 

verdict   of   coroner's   jury    44 

Paul,    home    destroyed    48 

McKnigrht,   W.    A.,    Ulster  statistics    ....  114 

McNamara,   John    68 

MacCurtain,     Thomas,     Lord    Mayor     of 

Cork 19,     62,     67.     75,     103.  112 

assassinated     10,     37,  41 

funeral    38 

verdict    coroner's    jury     39,  44 

Mrs 3,  38 

invitation    to     39 

MacDonald.      William      6 

MacGearailt,    Seamus,    affidavit    Queens- 
town     103 

]\racMahon,    cf.    Angliss 

Macreadj',     General,     denies    robberies.. 

Mallow     33, 

MacSwiney,  Miss  Mary,  Irish  endurance 
character  of  Republican  leaders.... 
testimony — 

British     attacks     on     Irish     political 

life   

Republican     courts     108 

restraint  of  Republicans    7  4 

spies     71 

MacSwiney,     Terence,     Lord     Mayor     of 

Cork     

hunger    strike    60, 

sneers    at    98, 

'  'on    the    run"     

Mrs.    Muriel     

Peter    

Macauley,    Mrs.,    robbed    

Magistrates,    number    resigning    100 

Malicious    injuries    act     108 

Mallow 2,     32,     45,     47,86 

barracks     32 

attacked    by    Republicans    65 

burning    of    milk    station 35,  50 

protection    promised    by   British   forces  33 

reprisal,  cause  of   45 

Manchester    Guardian,    The 74,    81,  100 

Martial    law,    proclamation    of    by    Brit- 
ish government 10 

use     of      10 

IVIassacre,     Croke    Park 44,     71,  96 

Maurer,     James    H 6 

Mayor    of    Cork,    passport     3 

see     MacCyrtain,     MacSwiney,     O'Cal- 
laghan 

Londonderry    Ill 

^Mayors,    invitations    to     1 

Mee.     Constable,     arrested     70 

defies    Colonel    Smyth    70 

immunity   guaranteed    70 

Meetings    dispersed    by    British    forces..  35 
Members  of  Amer.   Commission.  .  .  .Title  page 

Method   of   gathering   evidence    2 

Midleton    48 

Buckley  case    24 

Military,     The     15 

court    95 

governor    orders    homes    destroyed....  48 

necessity    for    destruction    47 

patrol    burning    streets     39 

in  church  aisles    57 

Miltown-Malbay    47 

Ministers     of     State     106 

Mohan,     Michael,     Mrs.,     resignation     of 

magistrates    100 

testimony    of     24,     73  108 

Moore.    Colonel    Maurice,    "hostage"....  93 

Morals  of   British   forces    86 

Morgan,     Denis,     Commis.     of     Thurles. 

3.     38,     69,     75  103 

home    attacked    54 

on    election    1920    105 

report   on   Republican   courts    108 

testimony     of     21 

attitude    of    British    forces   on    sacking  63 

allegiance   to   Republic    105 

British  attacks  on  Irish  political  life  103 


disuse  of  courts  In  Thurles 101 

Dublin    streets 55 

Littleton    barracks     65 

Republican    and    British    police   con- 
trasted     100 

resignation    of    magistrates    100 

slaying   of    R.    I.    C 71 

Thurles      62 

wakes    57 

Mosley,    Hansard,    Mrs.    Quinn    79 

Munster      68 

Murder,     wanton,     British     79 

Murderers     unpunished     7  6 

Murphy,    hunger    strike     60 

Denis     95 

Cornelius  sentenced   by  military   court  95 

James,    assaulted    86 

Sean,    testimony — 

brutality   British   officers    86 

Nation.    London,    The 95,  100 

New   York,    The    1 

National    feeling,    growth    of    114 

Nevinson,    H.    \V 3,  4 

Newman,     Major    Oliver    T 6 

Newspapers  suppressed  by  British  forces  35 

New   Statesman.    London    39,  100 

Nolan,    Thomas,    testimony    flogging....  81 

Galway   29 

Non-combatants    indiscriminately   shot..  44 

Nunan,    Patrick    44 

deposes    26 

Jr.,    deposes     26 

O'Brien,      Miss      N.,      organizer      Gaelic 

League   115 

O'Callaghan.      Donal.      Lord     Mayor     of 

Cork 22,    79,    84,    86,    103,    105,  106 

British   persecution    of    103 

"on   the   run"    54 

passport    3 

report   on   Republican   courts    108 

testimony — 

attacks  on  Republican  organizations  103 

British  burned  Cork    41 

British    rule     101 

British   taxes   in   Ireland    101 

Buckley    case     24 

Cork     39,  41 

Looting   81 

Republican    Government     105 

police     109 

resignation    of    magistrates     100 

Officers.     British,     participation     In     re- 
prisals    45 

O'Grady,    testimony    raiding   and    looting  83 

O  Halloran,      Dr .  .  17 

"i>n     the     Run"      51 

O'Neill,     Miss    Annie,    killed     27 

Orange    lodges,    Protestant    societies....  Ill 

Orangemen    i]  2 

Origin    of    American    Commission     1 

O'Shea,   John,   home  destroyed    48 

Poer,  County  Inspector 6S 

Pallan     52 

Pamphlet.      "The     Irish     Situation."     by 

Ulster   Delegation    114 

Parliament.    British     7 

number   of   British   forces    60 

home  rule  bill    113 

Sinn    Fein,    members    of   jailed    106 

Parliamentary    practice,    British     98 

questions,    MacCurtain    murder    38 

Parnell    ng 

Passports,     attitude    of    British    govern- 
ment  to    2 

Bishops 3 

granted   by   State   Department    6 

Lord    Mayor   of   Cork    3 

Peace  with   Ireland   Council    100 

Penal     laws     abolished     7 

Penstraw,     shot     as     spy 71,  73 

PpzoU,   Emil,    robbed.    Black   and   Tans..  84 

Pillage,    to   suppress   insurrection    10 

Plunkett,    Sir    Horace    2,  4 

Pogroms  denounced   ng 

Ulster.    1920     m 

Police  barracked  with  Black  and  'Tans..  62 

British     connotation      60 


142 


INDEX 


character  of    80 

duties 62 

kill     Irish     11 

killed,    estimate    of    65 

murders  of  by  Republican  army 10 

persecute   Republican   officials    103 

Republican 109 

R.    I.    C IB 

Policemen     60 

Policy   of   assassinations,    Irish    73 

repression    legalized    10 

Political     prisoners     60 

strife,    economic  causes    113 

Population.  Sinn  Fein 92 

Premier,  British,  responsible  for  Cabinet 

members 98 

Presbyterian     minister     115 

President    of    Irish    Republic,    cf.     Prof. 

De    Valera     2 

Prisoners,   assassination  of   26 

pretext    for    shooting    22 

robbed   83 

tortured    88 

treatment  by  Republicans    65 

violence  to   83 

Proclamation  of   martial    law    10 

of  raids  for  arms    74 

by    British    forces    13 

by  British  high  command    93 

of  restrictions  in  Dublin 67 

Property,    destruction  of    45 

Protestant      clergymen      at     MacCurtain 

funeral    38 

settlement   hayricks   burned    52 

societies  Orange  lodges Ill 

unionists US 

Provocateurs,    British     76 

Provisional   government,    Belfast    8 

Publications,   criticized    17 

Purposes    of    American    Commission    ...  1 

Queenstown    108 

resignation    of    magistrates 81,  100 

Quinn,   Mrs.   Ellen    96 

shooting     of      79 

Quirk,     murder    of     19 

Rabbi,    at   MacCurtain   funeral    38 

Ragg,  Thos.  Dwyer,  shot   19 

Raid   by   British   forces    35 

Buttevant     27 

on    MacCurtain    home     38,  39 

Mallow    33 

O'Grady    home    83 

Republicans  at  Mallow 32 

Raiders,   disguised    67 

Raids,    Black   and   Tans,    Headford    83 

British,    1917.     1918,    1919    35 

for    arms,    proclamation    74 

number    67 

In      1920      73 

on   barracks   by   Republicans    65 

Irish    homes,     1920     52 

Republicans  for  arms   10 

Rebellion,     Irish,      1916      8 

Ulster,    1914    8 

Rebels,    threats  to    96 

Records,    Republican   destroyed    41 

Redmond,  John    8 

Refugees,    Balbriggan     32 

testimony  of   Mrs.    King    55 

Regiments    of    British    army    in    Ireland  15 

Religious    controversy     Ill 

freedom    114 

issue    Ill 

peace   115 

riots Ill 

services,   presence   of   armed   forces   at  57 

strife   113 

Report    of    British    Labor    Commission..  41 

Friends,  English 109 

Irish  Labor  Commission    41 

on   British   forces   in    Cork    101 

Reprisal,   "Ruse  de  Guerre"    37 

at  Balbriggan    30 

Ballylorby    35 

Croke  Park    32 

Galway    37,    45,  62 

Mallow     33,  45 


meaning    of     32 

policy    condoned     47 

instituted  by  British    37 

retaliation    35 

Reprisals 30,  98 

British   excusatory   term    43 

defined  by  British  forces   37 

participation    of    British    officers    in..  45 

Republic,   composition  of    106 

difficulty  of  control    74 

endorsement    of    1918     8 

fosters    co-operatives     106 

functioning    of    14 

responsibility    for    assassinations    ....  76 

Republican  army,  atrocities    17 

attacks   Mallow   barracks    85 

created    8 

raids      65 

treatment   of    prisoners    65 

Council      103 

courts    108 

Protestants     use     115 

forces,    existence  and  training  of    ....  65 

kill   members  of   British  forces    ....  10 

government 105 

allegiance   to,    percentage    105 

composition    of     106 

effective     118 

list  of  killings  compiled  by   19 

supported    by    majority    108 

officials  attacked 103 

organizations    attacked     103 

police    109 

records    destroyed     103 

records    destroyed 103 

treatment   of    prisoners    66 

viewpoint    4 

workers,   expulsion  of   112 

Republicans    arrested,    1920    57 

assassination    of    13 

attack   Mallow   barracks    32 

"execute"     murderers    of    MacCurtain  68 

Swanzy    68 

raid    Mallow   barracks    52 

slain    in    custody     22 

Ulster    Council    Ill 

Resignations    from   British    forces,    num- 
ber        63 

magistrates    in    Cork    101 

R.    I.    C 75 

Resistance,     Irish      60 

Resolutions,     "Anti-Sinn    Fein     Society"  96 
Responsibility,   British  conditions  in  Ire- 
land     11 

Restoration    of    Order    Act,     1920.... 10,  45 

Retaliation,   threats  made  by  Orangemen  112 

Retalations,     official     96 

R.     A.     M.     C 82 

R.     I.     C 38,  96 

at     Bantry     22 

British  propaganda  among   17 

description      15 

members  testifly    18,    62,  63 

members   shot,    Galway    29 

verdict  of  coroner's  jury   44 

Richards,    Black    and    Tans    63 

Riot — religious — Londonderry     Ill 

Robberies,   complaints  to  Macready    ....  S3 

Robbery,    Cork    83 

Robinson,   Mrs.   Annot  Erskine.  .  .  .  3,    18,  111 
testimony — 

British     casualties     60 

distribution    of    troops    73 

Home    Rule    Bill     113 

Swanzy 112 

Ulster    pogroms    Ill 

Rochestown    83 

Rooney    62 

killed    57 

Russell,     George    (AE.) 2,    3,  4 

testimony — 

destruction    of    creameries    50 

Miss    Ruth,    testimony — 

character  of  Republican  leaders....  105 


Sacking — see   reprisal 

Sanctions,    official — property   destroyed..  47 

Secret   service,    English    73 

Department  2-B,  order  of   96 


INDEX 


143 


Republican     73 

Secretary    (or    Ireland,    cf.     Sir    Hamar 
Groon^euod 

Senators,     approval    of     1 

invitations    to     1 

Seventeenth    Lancers    15 

Mallow    32 

Sexual  crimes,    Immunity  from    86 

Shaw,    George   Bernard    4 

Sherlock,  John 71,  75 

Shields,    Rev.    T.    T 4 

Shooting     indiscriminate      43 

ordered  by  General   Lucas 68,  74 

"Shot    for    Refusal    to    Halt"     26 

"Shot    for   Trying    to    Escape"     24 

Simon,     Sir    John     4 

"Sinn    Fein    Extremists"     37,  98 

British  term 39,  41 

effect  on   Irish   Republicans    39 

MacCurtain  murder   38 

Sinn  Fein  police 109 

Sinn    Feiners,    indiscriminate    slaying    of  92 

killing    of     11 

percent    of    population    '.  92 

policy    in    Ulster    114 

threatened    gg 

Skerries,     murder     '.'.!!!!.'!!!  71 

Smyth,      Colonel     Division     Commander,' 

10,    73,    76,    and    112 

addressed  R.  I.   C 68 

exhorts    to    murder     !".!!.'.  68 

orders   indiscriminate    slaying 92 

Society    of    Friends,    cf.    Friends    

Spain,    Irish    Consul    106 

Spies,     British 37,     71,  73 

killed    by   Republicans    10 

"Sportsmanship"    British    86 

St.    Brendan's    School     115 

State    Department,    grants    passports...  6 

State  of  War — decision  of  King's  Bench  10 

Statement,    official — Brig.-Major  at   Cork  48 

States  represented  in  American  Comm'n  1 

Strickland,    Major-General    7 

Cork   report   suppressed    41 

Suppression,     campaign     of     by     British 

forces    11 

of    newspapers    35 

Swanzy,    District   Inspector   of   R.    I.    C, 

3,    73,    and    112 

charged    with    MacCurtain    murder...  39 

indicted  by  coroner's  Jury   10 

part   in   MacCurtain's   murder    39 

transferred    to    Lisburn     68 

Miss    Irene     3 

Tangney,  John,   testimony   17,  57 

drunkenness     94 

General    Deasey's    orders    57 

shot    63,  73 

Taxes,    British   collection    in    Ireland....  101 

Republican    108 

Teeling    74 

arrested    71 

trial   by   military   tribunal    11 

Templemore     32,  47 

Town    Hall     63 

"Termes  justificatifs"   of  British    37 

Terror,    British     13,    19,  52 

failure  of    105 

intensification    37 

to   suppress   insurrection    10 

Testimony — 

assassination    of    MacCurtain    37 

Bennett     26 

Republican   courts    109 

Protestantism     Ulster     115 

Broderick,   danger   of   roads    55 

Thieving gl 

Caddan,    Galway    29 

Clarke   ! !  !  !  !  17 

hold-ups    II  §4 

shooting    !'.*.!!!!!  1 1  52 

Cotter    'I 19 

Galway     .'.".'.'.".'."  29',  55 

Courtney — 

looting 83 

raiding      [[[  83 

Craven,     looting     gl 

Dempsey — 


Boycott  by  Irish  trainmen 60 

Mallow     32,      67 

Derham,    Balbriggan    refugees    54 

burning  of  Balbriggan  factory 48 

Cochran   case    79 

Pillage,   Balbriggan    81 

English      21 

Fawsitt,    industrial    organization,    105   106 

Irish  loan   105 

Galvln   76 

Grlnnell,  Dublin   55 

religious   controversy    114 

Greenwood    27 

Gullfoil     17,      59 

funerals    59 

Hackett,     economic    commission     103 

Irish    political    life    103 

religious    riots     ill 

King,    Galway    29 

refugees    55 

searchlight    in    Indiscriminate    firing     44 
MacSwiney,   British  attack  Irish  polit- 
ical   life    103 

British   oppression,    Irish   endurance     '74 

Republican   courts    108 

restraint  of  Republicans    103 

spies     71 

Member  of  British  forces    17 

"murders   of    police"     10 

Mohan    24,    73,    108 

Morgan    21 

British  attack  on  Irish  political   life  103 

Dublin  streets 55 

Thurles    21,      54 

wakes    57 

Murphy    86 

Nolan,    flogging    81 

Galway    29 

O'Callaghan     39 

attacks  on  Republican  organizations  103 

Buckley  case   24 

Cork   39,      41 

looting,     1920     81 

Republican  government    105 

police 109 

O'Grady,    raiding   and   looting;    83 

Robinson,    British    casualties    60 

distribution    of    troops    73 

Home  Rule  Bill   113 

Lisburn  refugees    112 

Swanzy   murder    112 

Ulster    pogroms    m 

Russell,    burning    of    creameries     ....      60 

Ruth     105 

Tangney      17 

drunkenness    94 

General  Deasey'a   orders    57 

Toksvig,    religious   riots    19,    m 

Townshend,     Protestantism     115 

Turk,     funerals     59 

Walsh-Swanzy  case 1 1      68 

looting   Cork    ji 

Miss  S J7 

MacCurtain   home    '.'.','.',      39 

Wilkinson,    indiscriminate   firing    43 

West    Clare   and    Limerick    52 

Women's  International  League  of  Eng- 
land,   Republican   Government....    105 

Thieving  by  British  forces gl 

Thomastown    ambush    35 

Threats   to   rebels   in   Cork    96 

to   Sinn  Feiners    93 

Thurles 2,    32,     44,    sV,   103 

disuse    of   courts    in    lOO 

killings    21 

Tipperary 32,35",      57 

Toksvig,    Miss    S m 

testimony    |      jg 

economic   conditions   Belfast ' ! ! .'  1 1 !   113 

religious     feeling     114 

riots    Ill 

Tolerance,  religious nj 

Tone,     Wolfe     ng 

Torture,   prisoners   I . .  1 1 1      88 

Torturing,   Thomas  Hale    II      88 

Harte     gg 

Towns   burned.    1920    47 

Townshend,     Miss,     testimony     |    108 

Ulster    115 

Trial  by  Republicans    1 1 1 1 1 1     74 


144 


INDEX 


of  spies  by  Republicans   10 

Tribunal,     English,    demanded    Cork....  41 

international    demanded    Cork     41 

military,   trial  of  Teeling 11 

Tribunals,     British    secret     44 

Irish    secret     76 

military,    morality   96 

Tuam 32,  47 

Tubercurry    32 

Tudor,   Major-General    70 

Black    and     Tans     68 

Turk,   Henry,   testimony  on  funerals....  59 

Ulster    Council     Ill 

counties    113 

delegation   to   U.    S 114 

insurrection      8 

Protestant  clergymen    4 

riots,    1920     Ill 

Sinn    Fein    policy     114 

statistics     114 

Unionist   viewpoint    4 

volunteers   67 

armed    8 

Unionist   Member   Cork   Harbor   Board..  41 

viewpoint    3 

Unionists     armed,     1914     8 

policy  of   British   government    115 

Ulster   Council    Ill 

United  States.    Irish  Consul    106 

Urban    Council,    Templemore    63 

Councils    108 

Vane,     Sir    Francis     4 

Victoria    Barracks,     communique    issued 

from     95 

Viewpoint,   Irish  Republican    4 

Ulster    Unionist    4 

Unionist    3 

Vises    refused    by    British    Embassy....  6 

Volunteers,    Irish 38,     65,  73 

Ulster    67 


Wakes     57 

Walsh,     Miss     Anna,     testimony.     Black 

and  Tans    81 

Swanzy    case     68 

Walsh,   Louis,   election    114 

Councillor     Michael     19 

home   and   shop   looted    83 

murdered    30 

Patrick    63,  75 

Miss    Susanna     67 

testimony    37,  39 

looting    Cork     81 

raid   on   MacCurtain   home    39 

The   Misses    37,    52,  75 

Warfare,    rules   of    10 

Warnings    to    evacuate    home     48 

"Weekly    Freeman,    The"     9  5 

"Weekly     Irish     Times"     communication  48 

"Weekly   Summary"    17,  96 

"Westminster  Gazette"    100 

Wilkinson,     Miss    Ellen     C 3,     17,  73 

testimony    18 

British  casualties   60 

indiscriminate  firing   44 

Limerick     52 

religious   toleration    115 

West    Clare     52 

Wilson,    Sir    Henry    abets    insurrection..  8 

Witnesses,    American    4 

English    4 

Irish     3 

Invited 2 

list   of    V 

safety     of     2 

Wolfe  Tone    116 

Women's     International     League 3,  52 

investigations     of      109 

of     England,      testimony.      Republican 

Government     105 

Trade   Union    League    116 

Wormwood  Scrubbs  Prison    38 


I 

Date 

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5/1/44 

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NOV  2 

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BOSTON  COLLEGE 


3  9031   01124872  1 


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